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"Rebuilding Jewish Life in Judea, Israel"
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JUDEA ELECTRONIC MAGAZINE Vol.8, No.3 Iyar-Sivan 5760/May-June 2000
***********************************************************************
Website: www.crosswinds.net/~judea
Contents:
* Judea - Summer 2000
* Deathly Fear in Ramallah
* A 21st Century Zionist
* Israel's National Motivator
* Women Soldiers in the Border Patrol
* Returning to the Mt. of Olives
* Moslem Zionism
* Force and Violence in the Palestinian Authority
* Kissinger: Avoid Euphoria
* Book Review: Story of a Jewish Fighter
***********************************************************************
JUDEA - SUMMER 2000
In mid-May 2000, the Palestinian Army started shooting at the IDF in
Ramallah in honor of Palestinian Holocaust Day (Israel Independence Day),
while Arafat was in his Ramallah headquarters. Fortunately, the IDF was
deployed in protected positions built after the Palestinian attacks of
1996. When the joint Israel-Palestinian District Coordinating Office
failed to function to stop the shooting, the IDF sent two Cobra
helicopter gunships to the scene, and the Palestinian Army ran away.
During the same round of violence, at Netzarim - a Jewish village in
the Gaza District with 60 families - an Arab mob began marching on the
Jewish homes. Army reservists who live in the village rushed to defense
positions, prepared to defend their homes and families against the
incited mob. The IDF warned the Palestinian authorities that if they
allowed the mob to approach the community's perimeter, the reservists
would open fire to defend their homes. In this case, the Palestinian
authorities dispersed the mob.
According to journalist Haggai Huberman, "The army no longer has any
doubts that we will see an ongoing escalation of tension and violence
from now [June 21] through September 13, the scheduled date for the
declaration of the Palestinian state. Both sides are preparing for a real
showdown in September. Arafat is no longer interested in preserving
quiet; he sees the enthusiasm of his people over the events in Lebanon
and on Nakba Day [when Palestinian forces opened fire on Israeli
soldiers]."
One scenario for which the IDF is preparing is that of Palestinian
citizens marching en-masse upon Jewish villages: "The IDF has solutions
for a civilian takeover of this nature. They involve the Regional Defense
Unit reservists who live in the villages themselves, thus that it all
comes down to the communities defending themselves within the framework
of, and with reinforcements from, the army. A more extreme scenario is a
genuine armed clash, with tanks and helicopters and the like. The PLO is
afraid of this, as it knows that it cannot hope to compete with the IDF
in this area. During the recent clashes, it was this Israeli advantage
that forced Arafat to give the order to cease fire." (Arutz-7 News, June
21, 2000)
Jewish Judea keeps getting smaller and smaller. The army closed down
its training areas near Maale Amos because of their proximity to the
Nature Preserve (Area D) handed over to the Palestinians in Spring 2000.
A map published in the largest Israeli daily newspaper shows 90% of Judea
and most of its Jewish villages coming under Palestinian sovereignty. It
is simply impossible to believe that the same Israel that reached all the
way to Entebbe in Uganda to save Jews would consider abandoning Jews
living in the Land of Israel to the whims of Arab rule.
Folks out here hope we won1t have to live through such challenges. No
one wants to harm another human being, but none of my friends and
neighbors will allow their spouses and children to be endangered. We are
the reservists they're talking about on the news. No one should doubt
that we will do just what the Israel Defense Forces has trained us to do.
********************************************************************
DEATHLY FEAR IN RAMALLAH
Limor Kalibah
Six women and two men from Maccabim-Re'ut, who came to Ramallah along
with other Jewish women within the context of an attempt at dialogue
between Palestinian and Jewish women, barely escaped with their lives
when the window of the car in which they were driving was shattered by
rocks. Two of the women who were there reveal the story and recommend:
"Don't do this, this was foolishness, our lives were really in danger."
It all began with the innocent initiative of a woman resident of
Re'ut, who was excited by the idea of a meeting between intellectual
Palestinian and Jewish women. Two of the women who were there, whom we
shall call "Lotem" and "Lital," tell about the hair-raising experience.
Lotem: "The organizer spoke with the cousin of the Palestinian
Authority official Jibril Rajub, and informed us that everything was
arranged, they would wait for us at the checkpoint at the entrance to
Ramallah, there would be an escort of the Palestinian police, and there
was nothing to worry about. We set out at 2:30 p.m. in three cars." The
convoy drove along and entered Ramallah, where it met Rajub's cousin, who
led them to a coffee house on the main street.
Lotem: "A number of Palestinian women were already sitting in the
coffee house. The atmosphere was cold and harsh in the beginning, but we
introduced ourselves, we began to talk about ourselves and break the ice,
when suddenly it happened." "Lotem" relates that a group of members of
the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine suddenly burst into the
coffee house and began to shout at Rajub's cousin: "I understand a bit of
Arabic, and I immediately understood that there were real threats there.
One of the Palestinian women who sat next to me whispered in English: 'Go
away, now, quickly.' And then the Palestinian women simply up and ran."
The [Jewish] group remained there, surrounded by the Popular Front
activists: "There was terrible fear. They surrounded us, and threatened
that if we didn't leave within 5 minutes, then we would be harmed. Our
fear was indescribable. Rajub's relative simply stood there and pleaded
that they let us leave Ramallah." At the end of the deliberations, the
members of the delegation were permitted to go down to their cars. On the
way, a long neon bulb was thrown at them, and it exploded at Lital's
feet.
Lotem: "Outside there was a stream of incited people. I stuck close to
one of the men who was with us, whom I had not met before. I simply
hugged him and said: 'They'll kill us here.' All I remember is that I was
led to the auto, and we began to drive."
Lotem was riding in the first car when their way was blocked by the
wagon of a pretzel seller: "The wagon was not there when we entered. The
woman driver had to stop in order to get out, and then stones were thrown
at the rear window of the car, and smashed it." Stones were also thrown
at the other cars, but they only hit the metal. The shower of glass
landed directly on Lotem, who was cut all over. "The situation in the car
was unbearable: I'm screaming, the driver was very scared. She got cold
feet, and said that she could not drive while I'm shouting at her:
'Drive, drive.' Of course, she couldn't see anything through the rear
window." Lotem relates that thoughts of the pictures of the lynching of
an IDF soldier in Ramallah some years ago flashed through her mind.
Everyone was hysterical, some were crying, others were screaming.
"Deathly fear," the two women shiver.
The woman driver recovered, and they began to drive to the right, into
the incited mob, and they did not know in which direction to turn.
Someone directed them to the left, to Tel Aviv, and they left the mob and
reached the checkpoint. "I was hysterical when we arrived at the
checkpoint, and I cried that I wanted us to leave. And then, this cousin
of Rajub had the tremendous gall to tell us that we had run up a bill of
280 shekels in the restaurant and that we had to pay him." She was in
shock. "They threatened our lives, broke the car window, and he still
wants money. Besides this, we were about 10 people in the coffee house,
and each one ordered only a cup of coffee or tea; how did we get to 280
shekels?"
The two women are contrite about the very fact of their having gone
there. The delegation was not political, and it consisted of women with a
wide range of political views. They were supposed to talk about children
and motherhood. The women do not understand how they could have driven
there. Lital: "This was total foolishness, what can I say, stupidity,
irresponsibility. I believed that the matter had been arranged. For the
most part, I am very well organized, and I always double-check, but this
time I decided to rely upon the organizer, who promised us that
everything was in order."
What infuriates the women is the fact that they did not receive any
apology from the Palestinian women who were there. Lital: "I exchanged
business cards with two women, and I expected to receive an embarrassed
and apologetic conversation, but this did not happen. One of them is the
broadcaster of a radio program from Ramallah, and I immediately wondered
if she reported the incident."
Lotem: "It is important for everyone to know that Ramallah is Area A,
and the IDF is forbidden to enter there. Even if something had happened
to us, no one could have helped us. I had many talks with army officers
since then, and only then did I gain a better understanding of how great
the danger was....If people want to conduct talks, no one should go
there. Let them come here; here this won't happen."
(From Modi'in News, 31 Mar 00, trans. by Women in Green, 2 May 00)
***********************************************************************
A 21ST CENTURY ZIONIST
David Wilder
Hebron - 12 Feb 2000:
Last week, touring with a couple of Americans, I stopped off at the
ancient Ashkenazi cemetery in Hebron. This cemetery was used primarily by
the Chabad-Lubovitchers, who arrived in Hebron beginning in the early
1800s. The most prominent person interred at the cemetery is Menucha
Rachel Shneerson Slonim, granddaughter of the Ba'al HaTanya, the founder
of the Chabad movement, and daughter of the "Middler Rebbi."
The entire cemetery was razed to the ground between 1929 and 1967.
However Menucha Rachel's gravesite was restored, due to the generous help
of Rabbi Yosef Gutnick. Unfortunately, Arabs in the area constantly
desecrate her grave because the Israeli security forces refuse to post
guards at the cemetery. They also prevent Jews in Hebron from guarding
the site 24 hours a day.
However, every afternoon a group of men study Torah in the small
courtyard adjacent to the actual cemetery. During those few hours a small
contingent of Israeli soldiers are posted there, to protect them from any
Arab attacks.
While we were there last week, one of the soldiers, hearing us
speaking English, approached us and asked us where we were from. It turns
out that this soldier, named Ari, is from Texas and has been in the army
for seven months. This morning, during Shabbat prayers at Ma'arat
HaMachpela, I noticed him and invited him to my home for a Shabbat meal.
During lunch he told us that he is participating in a program called
"Mahal," a program for non-Israelis who wish to voluntarily serve in the
army. Ari, 20 years old and a student at Yeshiva University in New York,
did four months of basic training and another 2 months of additional
training. He is now in Hebron and will soon be heading off on another
assignment.
I asked him why he wanted to serve in the Israeli army. His answer, in
one word, was "Zionism." Here is an American from Texas, sitting next to
me in Hebron, wearing an army uniform, 20 years old, telling me that he
is willing to put his life on the line because of "Zionism." In the
ensuing discussion he told me that he is happy that he is here, doing
what he is doing.
Following his stint in the army, Ari plans to continue his higher
education here in Israel. Having already begun in the United States, it
would be easier to continue there. But he also understands that it is
more important for him to be here. He doesn't want to "get stuck" in the
United States. The only way to be sure of being here in Israel is, very
simply, to be here.
Ari didn't have a lot of time to spend with us. He left us before we
finished the meal to begin another eight-hour tour of duty. But Ari left
happily, knowing that he is fulfilling a mission - not only his mission,
but the mission of the Jewish people in the Land of Israel.
Speaking before he left, I told Ari and the others at the table that I
feel a spiritual uplifting being in the presence of such people, people
who don't speak about what should be done, but actually go out and do it.
Ari doesn't talk about ideals, he practices them. He doesn't look for
excuses why it is too difficult to implement the ideals. He does what has
to be done, easy or hard.
There are those who say that Zionism is dead and buried - Zionism
being the movement of the Jewish people back to the Land of Israel. On
the face of it, witnessing the opposite of pure Zionism, seeing Jews
separate themselves from the Land of Israel piece by peace, that
hypothesis seems to be correct. But being with Ari for a couple of hours
left me knowing that Zionism is not dead. As long as there are people
like Ari in the world, people who understand a simple truth and live
accordingly, not for their own benefit but for a common good, the common
good of the Jewish people in Israel, one must reach a conclusion that
Zionism is not dead. Ari is a living example.
(From The Jewish Community of Hebron, February 12, 2000,
www.hebron.org.il)
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ISRAEL'S NATIONAL MOTIVATOR
For Brig.-Gen. (res.) Yehuda Duvdevani, until recently the defense
establishment's national motivator, nostalgia for some of that old-time
Zionism was a crucial element in his efforts to help young people face
their future, repair the rifts in society, and give life in the Jewish
state some deeper meaning. At times he sounds like a walking
anachronism, repeatedly using words like "national mission" and "love of
the homeland."
Duvdevani was a war hero, decorated for leading the evacuation of
paratroopers during the disastrous battle at the Chinese Farm during the
Yom Kippur War. He also resurrected the Givati Brigade and was its first
commander in the early 1980s.
For the past three-and-a-half years, Duvdevani was the head of the
Youth, Nahal and National Missions branch of the Defense Ministry. He
added "National Missions" to his branch's title with the aim to instill
in youth the value of giving -- because then, he believed, many other
problems could be solved. "You give to society. You give to the
community. You give to your school, and when you are 18 you give your
military service as part of the missions that we have to give the
country."
During his tenure Duvdevani helped breathe new life into the Nahal
Corps and sent Nahal youth into development towns and community centers
instead of kibbutzim. He greatly expanded the IDF's Mahal foreign
volunteer program; began secular pre-army programs to match the 14
programs for religious youth whose graduates are filling up the young
officer corps and elite units; and established a Nahal program to allow
haredi (ultra-Orthodox) youth to serve in the IDF.
(From Arieh O'Sullivan, _Jerusalem Post_, 21 Jan 2000, p. B3)
**********************************************************************
WOMEN SOLDIERS IN THE BORDER PATROL
Roit Naor
At the beginning of January 2000, the Knesset approved a law allowing
women to enter every unit in the IDF. At the same time, at the checkpoint
at the entrance to Tulkarm, Shiraz Gilmora and Gitit Mograbi were
standing guard with M-16 rifles and flak jackets. They had completed the
same infantry course as undertaken by recruits to the Givati or Golani
brigades.
Women soldiers have already begun to enter many IDF units. The air
force includes two women navigators and soon the first helicopter pilot;
the navy is training women sailors; and women have entered the special
"669" air force rescue unit.
The Border Patrol opened its doors to women three years ago and today
includes 150 in its ranks, who serve in 20 units. In these units there is
total equality of responsibilities and privileges. However, only men
soldiers serve within Judea, Samaria, and Gaza, leaving women soldiers to
patrol in Jerusalem and along the pre-1967 line.
The commander of a unit serving in "the Triangle" reported that the
women soldiers serve exactly like the men. "The level of most of the
women is higher than the men and a large portion are suitable to be
officers. They have much more motivation and volunteered to be here.
They are always volunteering for jobs and want to be part of the action."
"They participated, for example in the chase after car thieves inside
of Taibe [an Arab town in Israel]. There, within a few minutes, you are
surrounded by hundreds of people. There were no few points of conflict
and they proved themselves excellently. They are not afraid. There was
one woman soldier who saved the life of a man soldier in her squad, after
two car thieves attacked them in the Ivtan valley. They participte in
ambushes of drug dealers, smugglers, and other suspects. The single
physical difficulty I've seen is that in a chase after a suspect, most
run more slowly, but that is not so important."
"In the beginning there were men who didn't want to go out on an
ambush with women. Today there is none of that."
The commander believes they should be allowed to serve in Judea,
Samaria, and Gaza. "I am in favor of their serving everywhere because it
can only help. First of all, there are searches of women suspects [that
men soldiers do not do]. Secondly, when there is a woman in the squad,
she usually calms the more hot-headed soldiers and there are fewer
incidents of conflict."
Sergeant Alin Asayag understands the difficulty some men have in
accepting them: "They are used to relating to women as delicate
creatures, sensitive, cry-babies, who need to be protected. Suddenly
opposite them is a soldier who doesn't need saving but rather
cooperation. This destroys everything they learned, and shatters their
male ego."
(From _Maariv_ Shabbat, 14 Jan 00, p. 16.)
************************************************************************
RETURNING TO THE MT. OF OLIVES
Construction is well underway on the new Jerusalem neighborhood of
Maale Zeitim at the southern end of the Mt. of Olives, which will
eventually house more than 130 Jewish families.
Over 130 years ago, two of Jerusalem's leading philanthropists, Moshe
Wittenberg and Nissan Bak, purchased a 15-dunam plot (almost four acres)
on the Mt. of Olives (Har HaZeitim) facing Jerusalem's Old City walls,
acting on behalf of the Chabad and Wollin Hassidic community groups. In
1928, formal ownership of the land was transferred to the community
groups, who continued to pay the property taxes.
Following the 1967 war, the community groups petitioned the Israeli
courts to uphold their claim to ownership of the property, and the
Supreme Court of Israel ruled in their favor in 1984. Over 10 years ago
the property was purchased by the American philanthropist Dr. Irving
Moskowitz for the purpose of building a neighborhood of Jewish homes. In
the mid-1990s, Ehud Barak, then Minister of Interior, forwarded the
building plans to the Jerusalem District Zoning Commission, where final
approval was given in 1996.
While the site is often referred to as being in "traditionally Arab
east Jerusalem," it is difficult to understand what is traditionally Arab
about this area. To the north lies the ancient Jewish burial ground on
the Mt. of Olives. To the east is the Israeli police headquarters for
Judea and Samaria. Look west and you see a magnificent view of the City
of David and the Temple Mount surrounded by the walls of the Old City. To
the south lies the Christian Monastery of Abraham.
The battle for control of Jerusalem is underway. Establishing a living
Jewish presence throughout the city remains the best hope of ensuring
that "a united Jerusalem" will be more than just a slogan.
(From _Jerusalem-On the Brink of Partition_ by Judy Lash Balint and
Dr. Colin L. Leci, Yesha Communities Bulletin Board, 8 Mar 2000)
********************************************************************
MOSLEM ZIONISM
According to Sheikh Prof. Abdul Hadi Palazzi, the antipathy shown by
so many Islamic leaders towards Israel is an inauthentic Islamic response
to Zionism - political rather than religious in origin. The Koran quotes
Moses (a prophet in the Islamic tradition) as commanding the newly freed
children of Jacob to conquer Israel: "Oh my people, enter the Holy Land
which God has assigned unto you, and turn not back ignominiously, for
then will ye be overthrown, to your own ruin."
Even more surprising is the Koran's reference to the return of the
Jews to the Land of Israel before the Last Judgement: "And thereafter We
[Allah] said to the Children of Israel: Dwell securely in the Promised
Land."
Neither is there any Islamic justification for keeping Jews from
praying at the Cave of the Patriarchs or the Temple Mount. Mecca is the
only Islamic holy place off-limits for non-Moslems. "There is nothing in
Jewish worship that can be offensive for Moslems, and nothing in Islamic
law prevents Jews from praying in any place that is regarded as holy by
Moslems. Every time I meet those who say otherwise, I ask them to
identify a single authoritative Islamic source....None of them has ever
answered."
Prof. Palazzi holds that the historical record backs up his views.
Omar (Mohammad's successor) ended the Roman ban on Jews entering
Jerusalem. Saladin, after defeating the Crusaders, wrote to Jewish
leaders, "Your exile is over. Whoever wants to come back is welcome."
Prof. Palazzi lectures at the University of Velletri in Rome, and is
an ordained Imam of the Italian Islamic community. He holds a Ph.D. in
Islamic Sciences by decree of the Grand Mufti of the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia.
(From _In Jerusalem_, 11 Feb 2000, p. 17)
***********************************************************************
FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY
In early April 2000, armed members of the Palestinian security
services physically attacked high-ranking PA legislators and executives.
According to Deputy Head of the Palestinian Legislative Council, Ibrahim
Abu Al-Naja, "It is total chaos in our territories. Everybody beats
everybody else."
The London Arabic daily, Al-Quds Al-Arabi (April 5, 2000), discussed
the implications of this phenomenon on the future of the Palestinian
state: "Observers need no further proofs to get a gloomy picture of the
future of the Palestinian entity now being forged. It is not the first
time, nor will it be the last that elected Palestinian legislators are
beaten. The anarchy crosses every boundary. We cannot blame the occupying
enemy anymore. These undemocratic and inhumane acts are being carried out
by PA apparatuses whom we had hoped would guard the citizen's rights and
security. Things go from bad to worse in the territories under PA
control, and there is hardly a glimpse of hope on the horizon to herald
an improvement of the situation. Mending the 'Palestinian home' from
within is much more important than further Israeli withdrawal, or the
application of the agreements with Israel. For what is the use of an
Israeli withdrawal when the foundations of this home are collapsing?"
Gaza psychiatrist and human rights activist Iyad Al-Sarraj contended
that the use of violence by security apparatuses in the PA is just one
expression of violence within Palestinian society. "What brings a
high-ranking official to overrule decisions by his superior through
violence? What is the reason for throwing stones at a university faculty
member by a student? What can explain the murders of women and the
popularity of the death sentence in Palestinian society? And what
connects all these phenomena to the application of torture in Palestinian
jails?"
"Dear reader," asks Al-Sarraj, "Aren't you one of the fathers who are
excited when their beloved two-year-old infant says for the first time
'let your father be cursed?' Aren't you dancing with joy when your child
proves his masculinity by beating another child, and don't you always
encourage him, telling him, 'beat that guy,' and don't you play the role
for him to help him imitate you?"
Al-Sarraj argues that Palestinian parents educate their children that
the expression of anger through the use of force is permissible.
Moreover, they encourage it by considering such behavior honorable and
courageous, "disregarding the most beautiful elements of the Arab,
Islamic and Christian traditions, the virtues of tolerance,
self-restraint, curbing rage, and the use of the mind." Al-Sarraj
contends that this explains the firing of guns in the air on joyous
occasions, despite the fact that this often leads to fatalities. "It
seems," observes Al-Sarraj, "that the rifle is as much a symbol of
masculinity as the mustache" (Al-Quds Al-Arabi, April 21, 2000).
There is a growing concern, expressed by an array of human rights
organizations and activists, the media, and public figures such as those
that signed "The Communique of the 20," that the Palestinian entity is
spiraling out of control towards chaos, autocracy, and thuggery. That
individuals are willing to speak out on this issue, despite the clear
threat of reprisal, demonstrates the severity of the situation in the PA.
The most striking thing about these criticisms of the PA is that they are
not blaming Israel for this situation. This is a major departure from
Palestinian rhetoric which literally blames Israel for almost every
problem.
(From Aluma Skolnik and Aaron Mannes, Middle East Media Research
Institute (MEMRI), #27, 18 May 2000)
**********************************************************************
KISSINGER: AVOID EUPHORIA
Many Israelis, probably a majority, have endowed peace with the mythic
attributes of a blissful state of harmony. It is as if the Jewish messianic
tradition has prevailed over the experience of centuries of persecution and
the lesson that few peace settlements have ever brought about such an
emotional reversal. Israel, in Assad's view - and that of most Palestinian
leaders - was an illegitimate creation.
Between Palestinians and Israelis, genuine reconciliation will be even
more elusive [than with Syria]. Though the PLO's rejection of the Jewish state
has recently been abandoned (in a somewhat ambiguous formulation), significant
groups within the PLO still advocate the 1947 partition lines, which would
reduce pre-1967 Israel by half.
We must avoid euphoria based on the most favorable assumptions about the
future. Whatever one's hopes for a new Middle East, at this point an agreement
will represent a strategic interlude for the Syrians and most of the
Palestinians, not a commitment to a new world order - at least not yet.
(_Jerusalem Post_, 28 June 2000, p. 6)
**********************************************************************
Book Review:
STORY OF A JEWISH FIGHTER
_Wanted,_ by Yaakov Eliav (Yashka) [in Hebrew], Jerusalem:
Bamachteret, 1983.
Yaakov Eliav was born in Russia in 1917 and made aliya with his
parents in 1925. He decided to join the Jewish underground in its
struggle against British rule after the massacre of Jews in Hebron by
Arabs, and after seeing the British doing little to help the Jews in
Israel and actually siding with the Arabs.
In _Wanted,_ Yaakov Eliav tells about how he joined up first with
Etzel and later with Lehi. It is the story of the many battles and
actions taken by these groups in order to free Israel from foreign rule.
Eliav writes about the murder of their leader, "Yair" Stern, and about
his incarceration in British and European jails because of his work for
the Jewish underground. After the State of Israel was founded, Yaakov
Eliav joined the IDF and rose to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel.
************************************************************************
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Judea Magazine, Yael and Mark Ami-El, Editors; Tekoa; D.N. North Judea,
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