Judea Electronic Magazine, No. 7.3

Judea Magazine, No. 7.3

      Hebron          Etzion
      _______          Bloc        Betar          Jerusalem
     /Kiryat \        _______      ______        _____________
    /  Arba   \      / Efrat \    /      \      /             \_______
___/           \____/         \__/        \____/        Maaleh Adumim
     #########    ####   ####     #           Tekoa         ______
         #  #  #  #   #  #       # #          _____        /      \
         #  #  #  #   #  ###    #####        /     \      /        \
     #   #  #  #  #   #  #     #     #     _/       \____/          \_
      ###    ##   ####   #### #       #

              "Rebuilding Jewish Life in Judea, Israel"
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JUDEA ELECTRONIC MAGAZINE  Vol.7, No.3  Sivan-Tamuz 5759/May-June 1999
**********************************************************************
                             Website: www.virtual.co.il\clients\judea
Contents:
* The 1999 Israeli Elections: A View from Judea
     The Left Did Not Win / Jews in Yesha -- Too Numerous to Ignore 
     / The Players / Party Strongholds in Yesha / Strongholds
     of the National Union Party / Judea Election Results
     Supplement: More Detailed Election Results [at end of file]
* Anti-Politician: Zvi Hendel
* Back on Dagan Hill
* Jewish Heroes: Gal Hirsch Returns to Duty / Mira Ben-Ari: Heroine
     of Nitzanim

**********************************************************************

                        THE 1999 ISRAELI ELECTIONS:
                             A VIEW FROM JUDEA

     On May 17, 1999, the people of Israel elected a new prime minister
and chose from among 31 parties running for the Knesset under one of the
purest forms of proportional representation in practice in a democracy
anywhere in the world.

_The Left Did Not Win_
     While Ehud Barak of Labor defeated Binyamin Netanyahu of Likud by
52-48% among Jews and 56-44% statewide, this was a personal choice of
leader, not a referendum over ideology.  Barak is clearly identified with
the right wing of Labor and defeated Oslo architects Peres and Beilen in
elections for control of the party.  On one of the Knesset votes
ratifying the Oslo accords, Barak was the only Labor MK to abstain and
not follow the party line.  In the election campaign, as a 35-year IDF
veteran, former chief-of-staff, and decorated commando officer, Barak was
packaged as "Israel's #1 Soldier."
     The Knesset results reflected the continuing decline of the
ideological left on the Israeli political scene.  The Israeli Knesset
that approved the Oslo agreements was elected in 1992, and was based on a
coalition in which Labor and Meretz together controlled 56 seats, nearly
the 61 needed for a Knesset majority.  In 1996, the Labor-Meretz total
fell to 43 seats and in 1999 to 33 (23 Labor and 10 Meretz).  (Also
elected on Labor's One Israel list were 2 Gesher party candidates --
David Levy and his brother Maxim.  David Levy was responsible for
extensive construction in Yesha when he served as Likud Housing Minister
in the 1980s and is not part of the ideological left.  The other elected
candidate represented the religious Meimad party which is not hostile to
Yesha.)
     While two centrist parties won 6 seats each in 1999, it would be
mistaken to automatically include them together ideologically with Labor
and Meretz, despite their shared opposition to Netanyahu.  The Center
party includes many ex-Likud politicians who opposed Netanyahu
personally, such as the party's leader, former Likud Defense Minister
Yitzhak Mordechai, as well as former Likud Finance Minister Dan Meridor
and former Likud MK Roni Milo.  The Shinui party's outspoken new leader,
Tommy Lapid, is not leftist and often blasts both sides with equal
fervor.  Another new Shinui MK, Moti Zanberg, was previously an MK in the
now defunct nationalist Tzomet party.

_Jews in Yesha -- Too Numerous to Ignore_
     By 1999, over 180,000 Jews were living in Yesha, with another
150,000 living in new neighborhoods of Jerusalem built since 1967 that
the Israeli consensus does not consider part of Yesha, although the Arabs
continue to refer to these Jews as well as "settlers on occupied Arab
land."  
     The pace of Jewish settlement in Yesha had slowed markedly during
the years of the Labor government's building freeze in 1992-1996 and it
took more than a year for the Netanyahu government to unfreeze building
in Yesha.  Then by 1998, private free-market (as opposed to government-
sponsored) construction became visible throughout Yesha.
     Its continuation has proved to be a key sticking point in Ehud
Barak's efforts to form a new coalition government.  Since his initial
Labor-Meretz base is much weaker than in the 1992 Labor government which
first instituted a building freeze in Yesha, he is forced to include
parties into his coalition government which strenuously oppose any such
freeze and insist that previous government decisions regarding settlement
should be honored.  Acceptance of this principle, coupled with a private-
enterprise basis for construction in Yesha (Netanyahu's legacy), will
mean continued construction throughout Yesha based on already approved
zoning plans and building permits, and the continued natural growth of
the existing Jewish towns and villages in the Jewish heartland.
     Indeed, many localities are now reaching the critical population
mass that allows them to be accepted into the Israeli national consensus. 
This is reflected in opposition from centrist voices to any blanket
freeze on construction in Yesha, arguing that the larger Jewish towns and
villages which will clearly remain under Israeli control in any future
agreement must be allowed to continue to develop unhindered.

_The Players_
     The major players in Israeli political life, those 15 parties which
won Knesset seats, include 6 politically ideological parties, 3 Jewish
religious parties, 3 Arab parties, 2 Russian immigrant ethnic parties,
and 1 labor union party.  In Yesha (the Hebrew acronym for Judea,
Samaria, and Gaza), home of the modern-day activist Zionist settlement
enterprise, 11 parties were serious contenders: 
     1. Labor (called One Israel) - Israel's socialist ruling party from
the 1920s to 1977; party of Yitzhak Rabin, Shimon Peres, and Ehud Barak -
won 26 seats (divided as 23 to the Labor party; 2 to the Sephardi Gesher
party; and 1 to the dovish religious Meimad party)
     2. Likud - Party of Binyamin Netanyahu, Arik Sharon, and Menachem
Begin - 19 seats
     3. Shas - Sephardi religious party - 17 
     4. Meretz - militant leftist, socialist, secular - 10
     5. Yisrael Ba'aliya - Russian immigrant party of Natan Sharansky - 6
     6. Shinui - old centrist party newly led by militant secular
journalist Tommy Lapid - 6
     7. Center - a collection of political and ex-military personalities
formerly affiliated with Likud and Labor - 6
     8. NRP - National Religious Party - religious Zionist, part of the
original Zionist movement and whose members spearheaded the return of
Jewish life in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza - 5
     9. UTJ - United Torah Judaism - ultra-Orthodox; includes the veteran
Agudat Israel party - 5
     10. National Union - the union of 3 factions in the Jewish
nationalist camp: the Moledet (Homeland) party, with MKs Gen. Rehavam
Ze'evi and Rabbi Benny Alon; Herut, led by Benny Begin, son of Menachem
Begin; and Tekuma, based in Yesha and headed by formerly NRP MKs Hanan
Porat of Kfar Etzion in Judea, Zvi Hendel of Gaza, and Uri Ariel, former
head of the Council of Yesha Settlements, with the support of former
Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir - 4
     11. Yisrael Beiteinu - Russian immigrant party supporting Netanyahu,
led by Netanyahu's former office chief-of-staff Avigdor Lieberman of El
David in Judea - 4

_Party Strongholds in Yesha_
     In Yesha, the clear winners were the National Union, Likud, and NRP,
with UTJ, Shas, and even the Labor party showing significant strength in
specific localities.

               PARTY STRONGHOLDS IN YESHA

               Localities where party received
                    25%+           50%+
               _______________________________

National Union      61             20
Likud               34              3
NRP                 26              2
Labor               14              -
UTJ                 11              5
Shas                 6              2
Yisrael Ba'aliya     1              1
Yisrael Beitenu      1              -

     It is no coincidence that the National Union scored prominently in
those places whose residents feel most threatened by the transfer of
adjacent territory to the control of hostile armed Arab forces.  The list
of places where the National Union took over 50% of the vote resembles
the list of Jewish villages already most threatened or scheduled to be
isolated by the IDF withdrawals planned for the next phase of the Wye
Agreement.  These include Hebron, Bet Haggai, Pnei Hever, Carmei Tsur,
Dolev, Kfar Darom, and Netzarim (all voting over 60% for the National
Union).
     Other features of the Israeli mosaic in Yesha may be seen along
secular/religious lines.  The secular villages and towns in Yesha proved
to be Likud strongholds, such as Dotan and Ganim.  NRP-founded villages
split with the National Union, which included the Tekuma faction, an NRP-
breakaway.  The ultra-Orthodox UTJ strongholds were evident in the new
Haredi city of Betar (51%), Maale Amos (65%), Matitiyahu (81%), Metzad
(95%), and Modiin Elit (74%), while Shas showed particular strength in
the Haredi city of Emanuel (51%), Kiryat Netefim (53%), and Betar (42%).
     The Labor party kept a strong degree of loyalty in the Jordan Valley
villages it had founded in the 1970s.  Among the Russian immigrant
parties, Yisrael Ba'aliya had one stronghold in Yitav (65%), while
Yisrael Beitenu took 29% in El David, home of party leader Avigdor
Lieberman.

_The Strongholds of the National Union_
     The National Union party garnered 100,181 votes or 3.0 percent of
the total.  Its strength is centered in some 67 localities where the
party received over 25 percent of the total local vote -- in 61 Jewish
villages in Yesha and another 6 in the Golan.  The party also received
significant support in 8 urban localities: Beit Shemesh - 4.9% [2.3],
Givat Shmuel - 5.4 [2.9], Jerusalem - 5.5 [3.3], Kfar Habad - 53.0
[68.6], Kochav Yair (home of Ehud Barak) - 5.5 [2.4], Safed - 7.1 [7.7],
Kiryat Malachi - 5.3 [9.7], and Maale Adumim - 8.8 [4.3] -- all but the
last not located in Yesha.  [Percentages in brackets reflect the showing
of the Moledet party, one component of the National Union, in the 1996
elections.]
     The National Union's extensive range of rural strongholds is
reminiscent of another settlement movement in Zionist history, the
kibbutzim of the veteran socialist Hashomer Hatzair (Young Guard)
movement and its companion Kibbutz Artzi settlement movement, founded in
the pre-state and immediate post-independence periods.  Today this
movement can be traced through its direct descendant, the Mapam party,
once a major force in the Knesset and today a component of the Meretz
party.  A listing of Kibbutz Artzi kibbutzim will show localities with
percentages of Meretz voters similar to those of National Union voters in
the villages of Yesha.  
     The recognition of this striking similarity has certain
consequences.  While the Kibbutz Artzi kibbutzim and the Mapam party are
minor players in contemporary Israeli society, no one questions their
legitimacy as a faction of that society.  The recognition of the villages
in Yesha as a factor of similar size and strength leads to a recognition
of Yesha as a player of at least equal if not greater strength and
legitimacy in Israeli society as that of the Hashomer Hatzair kibbutzim.

                               *     *     *

See More Detailed Election Results [at end of this file]

                               *     *     *

                        JUDEA ELECTION RESULTS (in %)

                   N
                   E                   N
                   T                   A            B
                   A                   T            E   S   M   M
                B  N    L   L          I U      A   I   H   E   E
                A  Y    A   I   S      O N      L   T   I   R   R
                R  A    B   K   H   N  N I  U   I   E   N   E   C
                A  H    O   U   A   R  A O  T   Y   N   U   T   A
                K  U    R   D   S   P  L N  J   A   U   I   Z   Z
               --------------------------------------------------
National       56 44   20  14  13   4   3   4   5   3   5   7   5
Jerusalem      35 65   14  15  17   6   6  16   3   2   4   7   5
Maale Adumim   27 73    8  29  14   7   9   1   6   5   6   3   6

Etzion Bloc -
 Alon Shvut    10 90    4   9   2  45  31   1   3   2   -   -   1
 Bat Ayin       2 98    1   1  11   2  45  38   -   -   -   1   - 
 Betar Elit    - 100    -   1  42   -   5  51   -   -   -   -   -
 Carmei Tzur    2 98    -   1   3  30  61   5   -   -   -   1   -
 Efrat         11 89    5  12   4  33  35   4   1   1   1   -   1
 El David       2 98    -  15   7   6  31   4   3  29   -   -   1
 Elazar         8 92    1   9   5  35  43   2   -   3   1   -   1
 Har Gilo      72 28   32  16   7   4   4   -   -   2   6  13  12
 Kedar         27 73    5  40   7   4  12   -   1   2  12   6   8
 Kfar Etzion   27 73   15  11   3  30  30   2   -   1   -   1   2
 Maale Amos     1 99    1   2  23   -  10  65   -   1   -   -   -
 Metzad        - 100    -   -   5   -   -  95   -   -   -   -   -
 Migdal Oz     12 88    8   6   7  40  33   3   -   2   -   -   1
 Neve Daniel    8 92    2   6   4  38  39   6   -   2   -   1   1
 Rosh Tzurim   13 87    4  17   3  36  27   1   1   1   -   1   3
 Tekoa          3 97    -  14   3  10  49   3   1  14   1   -   1

South Hebron Hills -
 Adura         38 62   12  35   5   1  11   -   1   2  19   4   4
 Beit Haggai    1 99    1   3   9   9  69   9   -   -   -   -   -
 Carmel         2 98    1   5   5  29  50   7   -   3   -   -   -
 Hebron         2 98    2   1   2  16  65  12   1   2   -   -   -
 Kiryat Arba    5 95    1  12  10   7  37   9   3  15   1   1   1
 Metzudat 
   Yehuda       4 96    1   7   5  34  48   2   -   -   1   -   1
 Otniel         2 98    1   6  11  34  41   5   1   1   -   -   -
 Pnai Hever     1 99    -   9   4  12  65   9   -   1   -   -   1
 Susiya         2 98    2   2   7  31  51   6   -   1   -   -   -
 Telem          7 93    4  50  24   4   9   2   4   -   -   -   2
 Tene          45 55   16  27  10   5   7   -   -   1  10   2  10

     Sources for Election Statistics - _Maariv_, 19 and 23 May 1999; 31
May 1996 -- M.A.

************************************************************************

                        ANTI-POLITICIAN: ZVI HENDEL

                               Tova Racanati

     Zvi Hendel, 49, past Chairman of the Gaza Coast Regional Council,
was an MK on the NRP list in the last Knesset who joined the National
Union party and, while not reelected, is next line to enter the Knesset
on that party's list.
     Many years ago he came with his family to Gush Katif (the Gaza
District) to grow "salad" in 10 dunam of hothouses on Moshav Ganei Tal. 
After two years he became secretary-treasurer and later chairman of the
regional council, and saw the number of Jewish villages in the region
increase from 3 to 17.
     "The decision to establish new Jewish villages in the Gaza District
was taken in the mid-1970s during Yitzhak Rabin's first term as prime
minister," Hendel explains.  "The initiators at the time were Labor party
veterans such as the late Israel Galili."
     On land that was once sand dunes, today everything is flowering and
the area's prize-winning agriculture has become a major exporting center. 
"This proves once more that the Land of Israel provides its fruits in
abundance when the people of Israel are settled in their land."  "This is
a wonderful part of the country," he continues, "but I have to say that I
also respect those who live in the center of Israel.  They put up with
the pollution, the crowding, but somebody has to live in that part of the
Land of Israel too."
     "Until the intifada there were excellent relations with the Arabs
far beyond anything people could imagine today.  We helped each other
daily in the field of agriculture.  We were good neighbors back then,
before 'peace,' when it was still possible for us to drive into Khan
Yunis to buy produce."
     "After Oslo, Arafat arrived and brought with him soldiers from
outside who never in their lives knew about democracy.  The Arabs here
are now scared to death of their government.  As a result, despite what
people think, most Arabs here favor quiet contacts with us but are scared
to be seen acting friendly toward us."
     "A few months ago I had a meeting with the Israeli Arab MK Dahamshe. 
I told him that if truly democratic elections were held today in the Gaza
District and the candidates were Arafat and Zvi Hendel, I would win big. 
He answered: 'I know. The people there are depressed.  They've lost hope. 
Arafat has destroyed the economy; he's taking over control of land.' 
They have no culture of a leader who tries to win the favor of his
people.  He's increasing his own wealth at the expense of his people."
     "What is lacking the most today in Israel is national pride.  We
have to restore this in order to continue to exist as a state.  We need
to believe in our past and, from this, also our future in order to
continue to build and develop as a free people in our promised land."
     (From _Makor Rishon_ Magazine, 7 May 1999, p. 6-10)

*************************************************************************

                            BACK ON DAGAN HILL

     Four years ago during the summer of the Battle for the Hilltops of
Yesha, police and soldiers forcefully dragged hundreds of men, women, and
children off Efrat's northernmost hill, Givat HaDagan (see JM 3.4).  Now
they have returned, and the sound of Jewish life will be heard there once
again.  As soon as the word spread that "We're back on Dagan," a steady
stream of old-timers returned to see the reality for which they had
fought, sleeping on rocks in order to hold on to their land.  Once 25
tents dotted Efrat's seventh hilltop.  Today, 20 trailers are there, to
be populated by young couples and the Siach Yeshiva, formerly of
Jerusalem.
     (From _Voices_ of Efrat, June 1999, pp. 1, 13)

************************************************************************
Jewish Heroes:

		GAL HIRSCH RETURNS TO DUTY

			Yoav Limor

     For 16 years Gal Hirsch has served as a leading soldier in the IDF. 
He has commanded elite units, seen the whites of the eyes of numerous
terrorists, and reached places that don't even exist on imaginary maps. 
I first met him in May 1988 when he commanded the engineering platoon of
the paratroopers, whose commander at the time was Shaul Mofaz, today
Chief of Staff.  
     Hirsch was already considered charismatic and successful.  He went
on to command a paratroop battalion, and then the army sent him to school
where he completed his BA in Middle Eastern studies at Bar-Ilan
University and an MA in business administration at Tel Aviv University. 
In summer 1997, he became operations officer of the Judea and Samaria
brigade.
     On February 22, 1998, Hirsch was driving to work at brigade
headquarters in Beit El.  "This was a relatively tense period in the
territories, at the height of a crisis in the Gulf when the Palestinians
supported Saddam Hussein," recounts Hirsch.  "Around 6 in the morning I
passed an Israeli car with its windshield smashed and the driver wounded
lightly by rocks.  I brought the driver to the Jewish village of Halamish
and continued driving.  A few minutes later I passed by the village of
Ateret.  Just before the bridge to the Arab village of Bir Zeit there is
a curve, where I saw a Palestinian youth throwing rocks.  I looked up at
the bridge to see if there was anyone there, and kept driving."
     "I passed under the bridge and boom -- I felt that I exploded into
pieces.  I lost consciousness for a second or two and when I came to, I
saw more rocks being thrown from the bridge.  My instinct was to reach
for my rifle.  I tried but saw that my right arm was thrown backward,
torn at the shoulder.  My rifle was at my side but I couldn't reach it
and then I saw that it was shattered too."
     Hirsch said he then realized that his car was crushed as well. 
Today he knows that a boulder the size of a 25-inch television hit the
car roof and crashed down on him.  He couldn't turn his body, and all he
could see from this position was the yellow line on the side of the road.
     "I heard the motor still running and decided to continue driving,
using only my feet.  I steered the steering wheel with my feet,
navigating using the yellow line on the roadside.  I figured I would
eventually meet someone who would help.  I succeeded in reaching the
microphone of my radio with my left hand and notified headquarters that I
was hurt."  He also requested that traffic be stopped in the area to
prevent the students from the Jewish villages going by bus to school from
being attacked.
     "Then I began to have trouble breathing and realized that I had been
hurt more seriously.  I fought for every breath.  Perhaps my experience
in special units, where you learn to take blows and keep going, helped me
to fight."
     Then suddenly he heard shouting in Hebrew and saw people running
toward him.  Elhanan Glatt from Ofra was the first to reach him.  Glatt
went for help, which was already on its way after Hirsch's first report. 
All the officers at headquarters who had heard it were racing towards Bir
Zeit.  The rescue team had difficulty extracting Hirsch from his car and
50 minutes passed from the time he was hit until he was in the ambulance. 
At Hadassah Hospital in Jerusalem he was diagnosed with severe head
injuries, a broken jaw, broken right shoulder, smashed right arm and
right hand, broken ribs, damaged spine, and damaged lungs.
     A stream of visitors came to the hospital, including Chief of Staff
Mofaz.  "My wife told him that what worried me the most was that I
couldn't pull a trigger.  Mofaz answered: 'He won't have to.  Battalion
commanders don't have to shoot.'  That was the first time I understood
that the army was still counting on me."
     After one month, he was transferred to Tel Hashomer Hospital for
rehabilitation, with his right arm paralyzed.  "The doctor there asked me
what I wanted to achieve.  I thought for a moment and then told him I had
three goals: to be able to hug and pick up my daughters, to operate a
weapon, and to write."
     After a year of intensive effort he returned to active duty as
commander of the Benjamin District battalion, responsible for the
Ramallah area, where he had been wounded.
     "At the hospital I thought to myself, how could this happen to me,
who so often had been saved by the skin of my teeth in so many places. 
I'm sure that a central part of my decision to become well enough to
return here as commander of this district was my will to win."
     (From _Maariv_ Weekend, 25 Jun 99, pp. 10-14)

*************************************************************************
Jewish Heroes:

		MIRA BEN-ARI: HEROINE OF NITZANIM

			Zvika Dror

     During Israel's War of Independence, the situation at Kibbutz
Nitzanim was especially difficult.  Located just off the main road
between Gaza and Ashdod, 150 Jewish fighters were surrounded by the large
Egyptian force that moved northward up the coast toward Tel Aviv.  When
the Egyptian advance was stopped near Ashdod, it turned back to attack
the tiny besieged settlement at its rear, with full force.
     In June 1948 Mira Ben-Ari was 22 years old.  She had immigrated to
the country with her parents from Germany in 1934, grew up in Tel Aviv,
and was active in the Lehi (Stern) youth movement.  After high school she
decided, against her parents' wishes, "to fulfill the pioneering idea"
and settle on a kibbutz.  At first she settled with a group from the
Young Maccabi movement in the Lower Galilee, where she met her husband,
Eliakum Ben-Ari.  Within a short time they moved to Nitzanim, on the
northern fringes of the Negev, where she had a son, Danny.  
     In 1947 she was put in charge of radio communications at the
kibbutz.  Arab attacks on Nitzanim and the supply convoys that tried to
reach it began in December 1947, right after the UN partition decision in
November.  As the fighting intensified, the IDF command decided to
evacuate the mothers and children from Nitzanim in Operation Baby.  At
the time Eliakum was on duty outside the kibbutz.  Mira, the radio
operator, was the only mother who remained behind with the defenders. 
She put a note into her son's clothes that was meant for her husband:
     "At times like this, we have to overcome everything!  Perhaps
because of the ability of our people to suffer and not give up, because
of our stubborn will to survive despite the fact that we are few in
number, because of all of this, we will get what we deserve after two
thousand years.  There is nothing worse than the separation of a mother
from her child.  I am leaving my child so that he will grow up in a
secure place, so that he will be a free man in his country!  Give him all
my love when you go to see him!"  To one of her friends, who left with
the babies, she said: "Tell Danny that he had a mother."
     On June 6, 1948, the Egyptian forces launched the final assault.  By
10 a.m. the following morning, she tapped out the last message: "The
Egyptians are in the kibbutz.  I'm going out to fight."
     The Egyptians stormed the small kibbutz with large forces.  When the
commander of Nitzanim, Avraham Shwartzstein, realized that they no longer
had a chance to repel their attackers or break through the Egyptian
lines, he consulted with a few members and decided to surrender to the
Egyptian army in order to avoid falling into the hands of the gangs of
local Arabs.  The commander of Nitzanim got up on a mound of earth, took
off his shirt, and waved his undershirt in surrender.  He then began to
walk out toward the Egyptians with Mira, who was holding a white
handkerchief in her hand.
     As they approached the Egyptian lines, an Egyptian officer suddenly
drew his revolver and shot Avraham, who collapsed, dead.  Mira drew her
revolver and shot the Egyptian officer who had hit Avraham.  At that very
moment, she too was shot to death.  A few minutes later the enemy fire
stopped and Nitzanim had fallen.
          (From "Three Women in Battle," in _Lionhearts: Heroes of
Israel_ [1998], pp. 135-138)

*************************************************************************

		***  BACK ISSUES  ***

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     1995 - Vol. 3: Issues 3.1-3.6, 1996 - Vol. 4: Issues 4.1-4.6
     1997 - Vol. 5: Issues 5.1-5.6, 1998 - Vol. 6: Issues 6.1-6.6
     1999 - Vol. 7: Issues 7.1-7.3
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     JUDEA Magazine is a bi-monthly electronic magazine produced and
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of Jewish life in a tiny and unique corner of civilization. Mail address:
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*************************************************************************

          SUPPLEMENT: MORE DETAILED ELECTION RESULTS

National Union strongholds include:
     [Percentages in brackets reflect the showing of the Moledet party,
one component of the National Union, in the 1996 elections.]

Judea:
Alon Shvut - 30.5 [5.7]
Bat Ayin - 45.0 [56.5]
Beit Haggai - 68.9 [11.6] 
Carmei Tzur - 60.6 [5.0]
Carmel - 50.2 [12.0]
Efrat - 35.4 [8.6]
Elazar - 42.5 [4.9]
El David - 30.9 [11.7]
Hebron - 65.2 [25.8]
Kfar Etzion - 29.8 [1.8]
Kiryat Arba - 37.1 [21.0]
Metsadot Yehuda - 47.6 [6.4]
Migdal Oz - 32.5 [5.9]
Neve Daniel - 38.7 [9.6]
Otniel - 40.8 [10.4]
Pnei Hever - 64.6 [3.4]
Rosh Tzurim - 27.3 [6.7]
Susiya - 51.2 [8.2]
Tekoa - 49.0 [18.6]

Samaria:
Ateret - 47.2 [9.1]
Avnei Hefets - 44.1 [11.6]
Beit El - 62.7 [17.8]
Beit Horon - 32.3 [9.4]
Bracha - 43.3 [19.5]
Dolev - 61.2 [19.8]
Einav - 35.2 [17.5]
Eli - 33.8 [21.5]
Elkana - 25.9 [5.6]
Elon Moreh - 60.1 [13.1]
Halamish - 35.1 [13.9]
Hashmonaim - 30.7 [7.2]
Itamar - 51.3 [17.7]
Karnei Shomron - 30.3 [8.5]
Kedumim - 46.8 [17.2]
Kfar Adumim - 28.7 [8.2]
Kfar Tapuah - 33.9 [39.8]
Kochav Hashahar - 61.6 [19.3]
Kochav Yaakov - 36.7 [36.8]
Maale Levona - 44.5 [18.3]
Maale Michmas - 45.4 [5.5]
Mevo Horon - 44.0 [17.1]
Mitzpe Yericho - 39.8 [12.1]
Nachliel - 37.6 [71.5]
Ofra - 47.7 [11.0]
Paduel - 49.2 [7.6]
Psagot - 48.5 [14.5]
Revava - 62.0 [11.5]
Shilo - 55.3 [19.9]
Shvei Shomron - 42.3 [13.1]
Talmon - 53.5 [12.5]
Tsufin - 28.4 [6.2]
Yakir - 41.6 [9.9]
Yitzhar - 52.2 [59.3]

Gaza: 
Bnei Atzmon - 40.9 [7.2]
Gadid - 43.4 [1.1]
Ganei Tal - 67.0 [5.2]
Katif - 57.1 [1.2]
Kfar Darom - 70.5 [na]
Netzarim - 62.7 [na]
Netzer Hazani - 41.1 [10.9]
Neve Dekalim - 50.5 [12.4]

Golan:
Avnei Eitan - 39.1 [4.4]
Hispin - 35.5 [5.2]
Keshet - 40.8 [11.6]
Nov - 43.0 [9.3]
Ramat Magshimim - 36.4 [2.7]
Yonatan - 33.9 [1.2]


Strongholds of Other Parties:

A comparison between 1999 and 1996 voting patterns for the same party
reveals a number of clear trends.  With only a few exceptions, the
National Union did 3-4 times better in Yesha than its component Moledet
party in 1996.  The National Union scored heavily in former NRP
strongholds with at least 2 of its 4 Knesset seats clearly coming at the
NRP's expense (NRP fell from 10 to 5 seats statewide).

Support for the NRP in its strongholds showed a pattern of declines from
70-80% support in 1996 to 25-35% support in 1999.  The ultra-Orthodox UTJ
scored impressive gains in a number of localities -- Nahliel 28.4%, up
from 1.9 in 1996; Nisanit - 27.6 (1.5); Yitzhak - 38.0 (3.1), and the new
village of Modiin Elit - 73.8%.  Likud support was down 20-30% in its
non-religious Yesha strongholds as compared to 1996, reflecting its
decline from 32 to 19 seats nationwide.  Support for Labor in its Jordan
Valley strongholds also weakened, though not as markedly.  Predictably,
Shas's jump from 10 to 17 seats was reflected in its Yesha strongholds,
with especially impressive gains in Kiryat Netefim (from 6.7% in 1996 to
53.0% in 1999), Kochav Yaakov from 8.0 to 31.8), and in the Haredi town
of Emanuel (from 35.6 to 51.4).

[Note: Percentages in brackets reflect the same party in 1996.]

NRP: (26 villages)
Alon Shvut - 44.5 [74.8]
Avnei Hefetz - 26.0 [78.3]
Carmei Tzur - 30.3 [83.1]
Carmel - 28.6 [76.0]
Efrat - 33.1 [61.9]
Elazar - 34.6 [80.3]
Elkana - 51.8 [78.6]
Gan Or - 44.7 [87.9]
Halamish - 27.2 [57.6]
Hashmonaim - 30.6 [59.7]
Kedumim - 27.7 [59.4]
Kfar Etzion - 29.8 [69.6]
Mehola - 48.5 [72.6]
Metsadot Yehuda - 34.3 [78.2]
Migdal Oz - 40.4 [60.1]
Mitzpe Yericho - 31.1 [71.9]
Neve Daniel - 37.7 [72.8]
Ofra - 26.3 [73.8]
Otniel - 34.4 [71.3]
Paduel - 32.5 [86.8]
Psagot - 28.9 [70.0]
Revava - 28.4 [82.6]
Rosh Tsurim - 35.9 [71.1]
Shdemot Mehola - 73.0 [90.4]
Susiya - 30.8 [79.3]
Talmon - 32.5 [82.8]

UTJ: (11 towns and villages)
Bat Ayin - 37.5 [10.6]
Betar - 50.9 [53.5]
Emanuel - 32.2 [40.4]
Maale Amos - 64.5 [51.0]
Matityahu - 80.9 [70.9]
Metzad - 94.9 [92.7]
Modiin Elit - 73.8 [na]
Nahliel - 28.4 [1.9]
Nisanit - 27.6 [1.5]
Rafiah Yam - 32.9 [na]
Yitzhar - 38.0 [3.1]

Likud: (34 towns and villages)
Adura - 34.7 [71.7]
Alei Sinai - 29.7 [51.6]
Alei Zahav - 49.1 [na]
Alfei Menashe - 32.0 [56.2]
Almon - 34.6 [na]
Argaman - 35.2 [50.0]
Ariel - 39.4 [61.5]
Barkan - 48.4 [69.9]
Beit Arye - 42.2 [70.7]
Beit Horon - 29.4 [38.5]
Bracha - 40.6 [4.0]
Etz Efraim - 32.6 [na]
Ganim - 50.6 [70.6]
Geva Benyamin - 42.8 [63.1]
Givat Zeev - 31.3 [51.5]
Hermesh - 25.2 [na]
Homesh - 49.2 [62.0]
Kedar - 40.2 [59.7]
Maale Adumim - 29.4 [45.0]
Maale Shomron - 36.7 [63.2]
Masua - 31.0 [38.8]
Migdalim - 36.6 [63.2]
Mevo Dotan - 55.7 [68.1]
Nili - 43.0 [71.6]
Nisanit - 26.1 [50.5]
Nofim - 44.9 [71.2
Ofarim - 35.2 [64.1]
Oranit - 29.4 [na]
Rimonim - 45.8 [63.3]
Roi - 27.5 [32.0]
Shaked - 42.5 [51.7]
Sharei Tikva - 30.4 [45.2]
Telem - 50.0 [na]
Tene - 26.8 [54.4]

Labor: (14 villages)
Almog - 47.5 [60.0]
Bekaot - 30.3 [33.7]
Gilgal - 36.8 [60.9]
Har Adar - 42.1 [44.0]
Har Gilo - 32.2 [31.7]
Kalia - 42.6 [65.8]
Machora - 27.6 [42.8]
Mitzpe Shalem - 35.5 [65.8]
Naami - 32.6 [na]
Nativ Hagdud - 35.1 [43.0]
Patzael - 43.1 [41.7]
Roi - 25.5 [48.0]
Selait - 42.5 [39.7]
Tomer - 43.1 [51.4]

Shas: (6 towns and villages)
Betar - 42.4 [31.8]
Bnei Atzmon - 28.5 [12.8]
Emanuel - 51.4 [35.6]
Kfar Tapuah - 27.3 [9.7]
Kiryat Netefim - 53.0 [6.7]
Kochav Yaakov - 31.8 [8.0]

Yisrael Ba'aliya:
Yitav - 64.5 [na]

Yisrael Beitenu:
El David - 28.7 [na]
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