Judea Electronic Magazine, No. 6.1

Judea Magazine, No. 6.1


      Hebron          Etzion
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    /  Arba   \      / Efrat \    /      \      /             \_______
___/           \____/         \__/        \____/        Maaleh Adumim
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              "Rebuilding Jewish Life in Judea, Israel"
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JUDEA ELECTRONIC MAGAZINE  Vol.6, No.1 Tevet-Shevat 5758/Jan-Feb 1998
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Contents:
* Prime Minister Netanyahu in Washington
* 77 Percent of Arabs Want Missile Strikes on Tel Aviv
* Special People: The Story of Esther
* Jewish Heroes: The Thirty-Five
* Next Steps in the Peace Process: 1) Yitzhak Levi; 2) Hanan Porat
* Playing with Matches (Jerusalem Matchmaker's Convention)
* The Privilege of Army Service
* Magen Shaul Pre-Army Academy in El-David
* Drilling for Judea's Water

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PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU IN WASHINGTON
at the National Press Club, 21 January 1998
(Excerpts)

     The things that I'm telling you now are very inconvenient. You don't
want to hear this, because truth is inconvenient, especially if it
doesn't quite work out. The situation when we took office was that 250
Israelis had died, mostly from terrorist attacks emanating from the
Palestinian Authority, after the agreement to end all terrorism. That's
the equivalent of 10,000 Americans who would die in the streets of the
United States after you sign an agreement with an organization that's
supposed to end terrorism.
                              *     *     * 
     We made a deal a year ago, in which we gave the Palestinians more
territory -- in fact, 80 percent of the sacred city of Hebron. It's the
second most important city in Jewish history and for the Jewish people,
after Jerusalem.
                              *     *     * 
     Israel is a tiny country. The distance between the Mediterranean and
the old border is narrower than the width of Washington, D.C. Israel can
be thought of as a ribbon along the coast, where 75 percent of our
population live in a very fragile and indefensible condition. That was
Israel up to 1967.
     In 1967 we pushed the border across a stone wall 1,000 meters high
called the Samarian and Judean Mountain Ridge, what is called the West
Bank, and moved it to the Jordan River -- not a river, a stream -- but
with a big mountain between us and any potential invader from the East.
That made peace possible because, for the first time, nobody could go and
snip the ribbon.  The victory in the Six-Day War made the physical
conquest of Israel virtually an impossible feat. It made the peace treaty
with Egypt possible. It made the peace treaty with Jordan possible. It
made the peace with the Palestinians possible. It will make the peace
with Syria and with Lebanon possible as well, because an Israel that
cannot be conquered, that cannot be overrun, is an Israel with which the
Arabs make peace. For lack of a credible war option, the peace option is
the only thing on the table.
     This has guided successive Israeli governments up to Oslo. It
certainly guides our policy today. If you ask us to withdraw from that
wall, we know the whole peace process would collapse, because Israel
would revert again to a narrow band along the Mediterranean that will
invite aggression and a future conflict.
                               *     *     *
     There is no limitation on the building of houses in Judea and
Samaria under Oslo. Rabin was very proud to proclaim that in front of the
Knesset when he presented Oslo, and he was right. There is no limitation
on Jewish housing. There's no limitation on Palestinian housing. What is
this idea of limiting, freezing communities? You freeze life. You begin a
process of decay and death. In Oslo, there is no limitation on settlement
activity, even the creation of new settlements, as Rabin also proclaimed
to the Knesset. 
     We're not building new settlements, but we are allowing the natural
growth of existing communities, which means that people get married, they
have children, or people move. We're not busing people into the
territories and we are not giving these urban communities benefits that
are any different from the development towns. In fact, there is a
gradation within the territories, because those communities that are
close to Tel Aviv shouldn't deserve the kind of subsidies that more
distant communities have. Market forces are at work, market forces
determine this, and private contractors build.
     How much do they build? The total built-up area taken up by the
settlements is eight-tenths of 1 percent. The incremental housing does
not come to one-tenth of 1 percent. So what we're talking about is
one-tenth of 1 percent. one one-thousandth of the West Bank. There is at
least an equal construction on the Palestinian side in their various
communities, including illegal construction in places where according to
the treaty, the Oslo accords, they're not allowed to build.
                              *     *     * 
     The great tragedy of the Palestinians has been that, from the 1920s,
their politics have often been commandeered by radical leaderships that
have sought to eliminate the Jewish presence in the land, and have
brought them a succession of disasters. That policy continues. Unless
there is a full-fledged accommodation with the Jewish people, that
radical strain in Palestinian politics will not disappear and, in fact,
will predominate. 
                               *     *     *
     When people tell me, "Ah, yes, but the real security is peace," I
say, "Maybe in the West; not in the East." In the East we have, all the
time, conflicts and outright wars that break out between countries that
are technically at peace with one another. They have wonderful peace
treaties with each other. There is nothing more that I would like to
achieve than additional peace treaties, a final settlement of peace
between us and the Palestinians and a peace treaty with Syria and with
Lebanon. But I do not delude myself that such a peace treaty will hold
without the bulwarks of security that deter future attack.
     This is so fundamental. This describes essentially the other kind of
peace that is possible in this century, the peace that the United States
had with the Soviet Union for 50 years that prevented another world war.
It was a peace that was based on American security arrangements in
Europe, on NATO. That's what preserved the peace. If the U.S. had no such
defenses vis-a-vis the Soviet Union, it is unlikely that the peace would
have held for 50 years. And this is our conception of a peace. As long as
we have undemocratic regimes around us, the only peace that will hold is
a peace that can be defended, and we insist on those defenses. 
                               *     *     *
     We have many, many friends in the United States. If there is such a
being as the "average American," I think the majority of the American
people instinctively understand the truth of what I've been saying here.
They may not know the details, but they instinctively understand that
Israel, this small, beleaguered country, wants peace and insists on
security as a condition for peace. They understand our fight for this
peace, they understand our battle against terrorists who threaten us and
threaten the peace. And I find that support across the country. We don't
have that many friends around the world; we have a great many in the
United States, and we appreciate and respect their friendship.
     (From Israeli & Global News, Mideast Newswire, 22 Jan 1998)

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Four Years After Oslo:

           77 PERCENT OF ARABS WANT MISSILE STRIKES ON TEL AVIV

                               Nadav Haetzni

     The recent crisis with Iraq revealed that the Oslo process has in no
way changed the deep-seated enmity of the Palestinians toward Israel.  In
addition to the demonstrations organized by Arafat's own Fatah
organization where American and Israeli flags were set on fire, a recent
opinion poll conducted among Palestinians by the JMCC institute of east
Jerusalem reported that 77.2 percent of the respondents favor attacking
Israel with Iraqi missiles.
     (From _Maariv_ Shabbat, 27 Feb 98, pp. 20-21.)

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Special People:

                            THE STORY OF ESTHER

                              Lilach Magidish

     Esther Bazak is more than just "the mother of" [Shai Bazak, the
Israeli PM's media advisor].  At the age of four, she was involved in
carrying weapons for the Jewish underground; in high school she helped in
the absorption of "illegal" immigrants; later Esther served in the
Palmach [strike force of the Haganah] as a combat soldier.
     On the Saturday night that Hitler rose to power, five Jews left
Hamburg, the largest port city in Germany.  "My father, Dr. Immanuel
Sharshevski, who was the chief rabbi of Germany and a well-known doctor,
was one of them.  His escape to Israel was more than just running away
from a dangerous place for Jews, it was an opportunity to fulfill the
Zionist ideal upon which he had been educated since he was a child,"
explained Esther.
     After the father had settled in Tel Aviv he sent for the rest of his
family -- his wife, their three children, a grandmother and a nanny.
     In the small apartment which consisted of two rooms, Dr. Sharshevski
succeeded in installing an x-ray machine.  The children slept on
mattresses on the floor.  The parents slept in the other room while the
grandmother slept on the doctor's examining table.  The nanny had to be
dismissed.
     Those were the days of the British Mandate.  The Bazak family moved
to Bayit v'Gan in Jerusalem where 4-year-old Esther was recruited to help
in the Jewish struggle.  Her job was to steal guns and grenades from the
British and then run and give them to the Jews.
     Esther's parents accepted Esther's role naturally.  "I was driven to
school in an armored vehicle such as those relics one sees on the way up
to Jerusalem," Esther remembers.  "On the way home, the younger children
got on first and waited an hour for the older ones.  On some days, the
bus driver bought sandwiches for everyone and said that they wouldn't be
able to get home that day because of Arab roadblocks, gunfire or some
other obstacle.  Because we were used to such situations, the driver
simply brought us to relatives living nearby.
     The situation only got worse and Esther remembers how she and her
13-14-year-old friends would practice shooting with live ammunition.
     After her family moved to Bat-Yam, Esther spent her nights finding
Jews recently landed illegally, and brought them to her room or the rooms
of friends to hide them from the British.
     Although Esther's parents had adjusted very well to their new life,
including getting used to new faces in their children's rooms every day,
they did not know how to react when their 16-year-old daughter announced
that she was quitting school to work with orphan-survivors of the
Holocaust.
     After she spent time taking care of these orphans, Esther moved to
Jerusalem where, following in her father's tradition, she learned first
aid.  In this medical role, she was in the last convoy to leave Jerusalem
with the outbreak of Israel's War of Independence.  Because of her
background in the Haganah from the age of four, she was entrusted with
smuggling weapons under her coat out of Jerusalem.  With her were the
survivors and dead of the famous Gush Etzion convoy.  Esther recognized
one of the fallen -- her best friend's husband-to-be.
     During the war, Esther at first was the "projector expert" of Bat-
Yam which bordered on Arab-controlled Jaffa.  Her job was to shine the
light at intervals so that the Arabs could not identify the source and
fire on it or use the intervening darkness to cross into Jewish-held
territory.
     At the same time, Esther's father was working in the Cyprus
detention camps (where Jews wishing to get to Israel were being held by
the British), and her 15-year-old brother was responsible for the Bat-Yam
beach area making sure that the Arabs did not attack from the sea.  Her
mother became a medic, saying, as Esther remembers, "If something bad
happens to us, she wants to be the first to give us help."
     In 1948, the Etzel [underground group] freed Jaffa and Esther, who
was too young to fight at that time, was in charge of a group of
youngsters recently arrived from Cyprus.  Later, when she was deciding
whether or not to continue with the children or to join the army, she
chose the military where she became a combat medic serving in the Negev.

                               *     *     *

     A week and a half after the death of her husband Shmuel Bazak in
1982, Esther took her eight children and went down to Yamit in Sinai to
join in the fight against withdrawal from the area.  "The thought which
accompanied me on my journey to Yamit was that my personal sorrow could
be put off for a while because of the fear of upcoming national
mourning."
     "On the final day of the evacuation of Yamit, my son, Shai, went up
on one of the roofs with the others and said Kaddish [the mourner's
prayer for the dead].  Those who were there understood that he was
actually saying kaddish not only for his father but for Jewish settlement
in Yamit and, indeed, for the whole of Sinai."
     Esther Bazak will carry the pain of the withdrawal from Sinai with
her forever.  Since then, she has continued her political struggle in
many ways -- whether it be a hunger strike opposite the former PM's
office or by building her home in Neveh Dekalim in Gush Katif (Gaza). 
Presently, she has temporarily left her home in Gaza to help out those
setting up the new Jewish district on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem.
     (From _Makor Rishon_ Diyukan, 7 November 1997)

***********************************************************************
Jewish Heroes:

                              THE THIRTY-FIVE

                             Arieh O'Sullivan

     Fifty years ago today, 35 soldiers were killed as they tried to
bring supplies and reinforcements to the besieged kibbutzim in the Etzion
Bloc, south of Jerusalem.  The massacre was a devastating blow in the
early days of the struggle for independence, and it preceded the fall of
the Etzion Bloc four months later.
     The neighboring villages of Jaba and Tzurif - whose residents were
blamed for killing the 35 and mutilating their bodies - retain a
notorious reputation which was reinforced recently when Tzurif sheltered
the Hamas terror cell that killed 11 Israelis in a series of ambushes,
kidnappings and suicide bombings last year.
     The four kibbutzim of the Etzion Bloc were considered by the Hagana
commanders to be a vital buffer against a southern attack on Jerusalem.
Arab gangs cut the road to the area and, from December, the 450 settlers
and Hagana fighters there were under siege and constant harassment.
     On January 14, over 1,000 Arab irregulars led by Abdul-Khadr
Husseini - father of PLO leader Faisel Husseini - assaulted the bloc. 
They were stopped by Jewish settlers and Palmah forces and withdrew with
very heavy casualties.
     The Hagana decided to send in a platoon of reinforcements with much-
needed ammunition and medical supplies, which would help prepare the bloc
for an expected onslaught by Jordanian forces later in the spring. 
Soldiers from the Hagana Field Corps and the Palmah were organized under
the command of Danny Mass, a former commander of the bloc.  The fighters
were all carrying 20-kilo packs and were armed with what was considered
great firepower at the time; four heavy machine guns, 16 rifles, 15
submachine guns, pistols, and over 3,000 rounds of ammunition.
     According to some accounts, they were detected at dawn by an Arab
shepherd who fled and spread the word among the villagers of Tzurif.  The
unit was in the heart of enemy territory with no way of calling for help.
     As soon as the battle began, Mass undoubtedly realized that his men
could not break through to the Etzion Bloc.  They quickly split into two
groups and, with one group covering for the other, they climbed to the
top of what appeared to be the highest hill, an advantageous defense
position.  Here they defended themselves against the fierce attacks of an
enemy who slowly whittled them down.  Hundreds of Arabs from the
neighboring villages took up positions and began closing in on the Jewish
fighters.
     Toward evening, the large supply of ammunition which they had
carried in their packs began to wane.  The battle ended with the death of
the last man, who, having exhausted all his ammunition - so the legend
goes - died with a rock in his hand.
     With no trace of the 35 and wounded Arabs flooding into Hebron, a
British police inspector dispatched a platoon of the Royal Sussex
Regiment to Tzurif.  After threatening and exhorting the village mukhtars
and notables, the British were finally led to the site of the battle. 
There they found the stripped and mutilated bodies of the 35 strewn over
the hilltop.  The state of the bodies was so bad, only a dozen could be
identified.  The British decided to bury them in the Etzion Bloc instead
of Jerusalem out of fear the Jews would retaliate.  Thirty-five graves
were dug in the stony hillside, and the British escorted the families of
the soldiers to the Etzion Bloc for the funerals.  They also handed over
to the families for safekeeping photographs taken of the butchered
bodies, which to this day are never shown, but are stored in the Etzion
Bloc archives.  After the 1967 war, the residents of Tzurif at first
feared Israel would take vengeance for the slaying of the 35 and the
mutilation of their bodies.
     "Tzurif was a village of hate, and has remained a village of hate,"
says Shilo Gal, head of the Etzion bloc Regional Council.  "And it is not
the only one.  If their fathers are murderers, it is a sign that their
sons will be too."  Gal's father was killed defending Kfar Etzion before
Gal was born.
     (From _Jerusalem Post_ Magazine, 16 Jan 98, pp. 8-11)

************************************************************************

                 NEXT STEPS IN THE PEACE PROCESS - PART 1:
INTERVIEW WITH EDUCATION MINISTER YITZHAK LEVI

Michael Tuchfeld

     Rabbi Yitzhak Levi was the only representative of the National
Religious Party present at recent cabinet discussions of the next steps
in the peace process, due to the extended illness of party leader,
Minister Zevulun Hammer, z"l.
     Levi: We believe there is no room for any further withdrawals.  It
has become quite clear that these interim agreements with the
Palestinians have failed.  The Palestinian side doesn't fulfill the
agreements and there are those who say the Israeli side doesn't either. 
This results from the inability of both sides.  Arafat is unable to hand
over murderers, confiscate weapons, or fire policemen.  Perhaps a
government in Israel is unable to withdraw from the Land of Israel.  We
have reached the recognition that it is impossible to fulfill the interim
agreements and must move on to the permanent arrangement.
     We now have a period of time to judge the issue of reciprocity. 
Either the Palestinians will not be prepared to even discuss reciprocity,
or the Americans will become convinced that the Palestinians are unable.
     Q: You are part of a government that withdrew from Hebron.
     A: We opposed the withdrawal and voted against it, but we also see,
on the other hand, how building is progressing in Judea and Samaria and
how the area is being developed.  This is a government that is building
in Judea and Samaria.  This is a government that loves Eretz Israel and
invests accordingly.
     (From _Makor Rishon_ Yoman, 16 Jan 98, pp. 13-14)

***********************************************************************

NEXT STEPS IN THE PEACE PROCESS - PART 2:
INTERVIEW WITH MK HANAN PORAT

Rabbi Menachem Fruman

     Porat: I have a clear vision: the sovereignty of the State of Israel
over the Land of Israel.  What could be more natural or just?  From
within Israeli sovereignty I favor offering the Arabs control over their
interests.  But in order to prevent the reality here from descending into
power struggles and wars, there has to be a basic understanding: the
Creator of the world gave the Land of Israel to the people of Israel.
     Q: But the reality today is that the big cities and most of the
Palestinians have gotten out from under Israeli sovereignty.
     A: I think we have to recognize the physical and social reality of
the people of Israel in the current situation.  I don't suggest that the
people of Israel go to war to change the situation in Gaza or even in
Judea and Samaria.  But we also have to recognize the Palestinian
Authority for what it is and should not give it control of any more
territory than it already has.
     Q: Won't that bring war?
     A: The most important thing is to be honest, including towards the
Palestinians.  We should tell them straightforwardly: You've gotten the
big cities; most of your population is no longer under our rule. 
Withdrawal from the cities and parts of our land is difficult for us but
we accept this as the situation.  In the parts of the Land of Israel that
remain in our hands, we intend to live in the manner of the people of
Israel dwelling in its land - to build, to plant, and to settle.  If you
don't try to disturb our situation, we won't disturb yours.  This is what
we need to say and do, directly and openly, to them and to ourselves.  We
need to settle our land; that is our current objective.
     Q: What about the Palestinians that remain under our rule?
     A: Under Israeli rule they must receive fair and honorable
treatment.  They will enjoy lives that are better than those of their
brothers in the territory of the Palestinian Authority or in any Arab
country.  It is our duty as Jews to be honest with them; we won't allow
them mistaken illusions of independence, but we won't suppress them
either.
     Q: I don't believe the Palestinians will accept what you suggest.
     A: In the current situation, the Palestinians have a lot to lose. 
If Israel insists on preserving the current situation and preventing
further decline, the Palestinians will also have a strong interest in
preserving the situation.  If Israel's stand is clear - that if they
don't succeed in controlling terror by themselves, then the IDF will
enter their territory in order to do so - they will take great care that
no terror comes from their territory.
     (From _Nekuda_, Dec 97, pp. 24-25)

*************************************************************************
Jerusalem Matchmaker's Convention

                           PLAYING WITH MATCHES

                               Gail Lichtman

     When more than 150 women matchmakers convened at the end of January
1998 in Jerusalem for the Second Shadchaniot Convention, not a single
computer was in sight.  But then, who needs computers when one is
fulfilling the Holy One's work of bringing together matches made in
heaven?
     "We believe that 40 days before a person is born, the Holy One
matches him or her with the perfect partner," stated one of the
conference speakers, matchmaker and psychologist Rabbanit Nehama
Biederman.  "Our job is to find those ordained for one another."  "Young
men and women who are strictly shomrei mitzvot [ultra-Orthodox] meet only
through shiduchim (matches) and only for the purpose of marriage,"
explained conference organizer Chana Glaberson.  "These matches can be
arranged by a relative, a friend, or a matchmaker."  "The job of the
matchmaker is to suggest names, set up initial connections, and make sure
that things move smoothly along towards marriage," she continued.
     "A matchmaker is a basic need in religious circles because our
children cannot get married without someone putting the match together." 
According to Glaberson, there are not enough matchmakers in Jerusalem. 
As a result, she decided to organize a conference to encourage not only
professional but amateur matchmaking.
     Conference speaker Rabbanit Chana Ram recounted, "Our sages asked -
What does God do after completing creating the world?  He sits in heaven
and matches couples.  Our job is to help match these couples on earth."
     Rabbanit Biederman concluded: "Matchmaking is hard work.  It is as
difficult as parting the Red Sea.  But if we are patient and try our
best, we can accomplish a lot.  Remember, Jewish matchmaking has been
going on for centuries - since Abraham sent his servant Eliezer to find a
wife for Isaac - and it will continue going on for centuries."
     (From _In Jerusalem_, 6 Feb 98, p. 4)

*************************************************************************

                       THE PRIVILEGE OF ARMY SERVICE

     In the mid-1990s, the Israeli media bombarded the public with a
message heralding the dawning of a messianic era of peace.  When the late
Prime Minister Rabin embraced pop star and vocal draft dodger Aviv Gefen,
it was not surprising that the rate of volunteering for IDF combat units
noticeably declined.
     The Israel Defense Forces came to recognize that there was a problem
in motivation for army service and took steps to rectify the situation,
with numerous stories appearing in the media showing army service in
positive tones.  The campaign seems to have worked.  The IDF recently
announced that all IDF combat units are full and even oversubscribed.
     As part of the IDF effort, on 6 Feb 98, _Maariv_ published a special
weekend supplement entitled "The Privilege in the Duty," aimed at 18-
year-olds about to begin mandatory military service.  Each recruiting
branch of the IDF described itself in a few paragraphs.  The branches to
choose from include: Combat Engineers, Artillery, Givati Brigade
(infantry), Anti-Aircraft, Border Police, Navy, Paratroop Brigade, Golani
Brigade (infantry), Nahal Brigade (infantry), Air Force, Armored Corps,
Maintenance, and Communications.
     Gen. Yosi Peled summed up his experience in the Golani Brigade:
"To me, Golani means a sweat-soaked shirt, dusty boots, and lightening in
your eyes.  To me, Golani means a long night march, prepared and intent
on accomplishing your objective at any cost.  To me, Golani is the
strength to walk on a dark night towards an enemy objective, finger on
the trigger, ears listening, eyes observing everything around you."   
     "To me, Golani is the power to shield the children of northern
Israel from the murderers who seek to kill them.  To me, Golani is a
patrol along the border, the contact, the pursuit, and the assault on the
enemy."

*************************************************************************

                 MAGEN SHAUL PRE-ARMY ACADEMY IN EL-DAVID

     The Magen Shaul yeshiva and preparatory academy for the IDF is named
after the late Rabbi Shaul Israeli, one of the great Zionist leaders and
rabbis of the last generation.  It is based in El-David (Nokdim) in the
Etzion Bloc, adjacent to the ancient Herodion Fortress.
     The preparatory academy for the IDF was established in order to
provide a yeshiva framework educating Jewish youth with a love of Torah,
the Land of Israel, and its nation.  Emphasis is placed on the need for
unity among people from all streams of society.  The educational program
includes regular yeshiva studies as well as army-related topics including
physical training, map reading and topography, and basic weapons
instruction.
     The current staff includes approximately 10 educators, and expansion
of the academy will allow up to 200 students.  Plans have been presented
to the authorities for the construction of the permanent buildings which
include a Beit Midrash, synagogue, library, dormitories, and dining room.
     Any donation to strengthen this important institution will be
greatly appreciated.  For further information, please contact Rabbi
Itamar Cohen, Dean, Magen Shaul Academy, El-David, D.N. Harei Yehuda
90916, Israel, 972-2-9965150.

************************************************************************

                        DRILLING FOR JUDEA'S WATER

                                Amiel Ungar

     Residents of Tekoa approaching the T-junction, the intersection five
minutes south of Tekoa where the road to Efrat and Gush Etzion meets the
road running south to Maale Amos, Metzad, and the Judean desert, were
surprised to discover a new sign announcing that at this site would soon
begin a new water-drilling project, jointly funded by the Palestinian
Authority and the U.S. government.
     The sign posed a number of questions: Who provided the Palestinian
Authority with the go-ahead to launch a project in an "Area C" area that
is under complete Israeli jurisdiction?  How would the presence of a
major installation that would undoubtedly be staffed by armed Palestinian
police influence Jewish civilian and military traffic?  Where in this
picture were the Americans who provided the financial backing for the
project?  A similar sign appeared outside the community of Metzad and a
few months back an attempt was made to actually start drilling
immediately outside Tekoa, but work was halted following protests from
Tekoa residents.
     (From _Yesha Report_, Jan-Feb 98, p. 1.)

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