Judea Magazine, No. 5.2
Hebron Etzion
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"Rebuilding Jewish Life in Judea, Israel"
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JUDEA ELECTRONIC MAGAZINE Vol.5, No.2 Adar II-Nisan 5757/Mar-Apr 1997
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Contents:
The Battle for Har Homa
Hebron After the Accords
Bypass Roads Needed in East Gush Etzion
Carmei Tzur on the Internet
Murderers as Heroes
Land for a Liar's Promise
Eyewitness to Murder: Kfar Etzion, 1948
Random Acts of Coexistence
The Six-Day War Completes the War of Independence
Settlement is the Essence of Zionism
Gush Emunim on the Internet
A Home in Judea
150,000 Jews Now in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza
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THE BATTLE FOR HAR HOMA
Sadat of Egypt used to say that 90% of the Arab-Israel conflict was
psychological. The controversy over Jewish building in the Har Homa
neighborhood of Jerusalem makes an important psychological statement
about Jewish rights in the Land of Israel.
Har Homa is a little bump of a tree-covered, uninhabited hill at the
edge of Jerusalem that I pass every day on my way to work. On the next
hill to the north is Kibbutz Ramat Rachel, long ago absorbed by the
expanding Talpiot neighborhood of Jerusalem. Directly west of Har Homa
is the Gilo neighborhood at Jerusalem's southern end.
Har Homa is the last empty land within the municipal boundaries of
the City of Jerusalem and was slated for housing more than a decade ago.
Building has been delayed by legal disputes involving both Jewish and
Arab claims to the hill. In fact, most of the hill was Jewish-owned and
legal delays largely involved a developer who said he could build the new
neighborhood better and cheaper than the government. The new
neighborhood will be called Pisgat Shmuel, in honor of former Jerusalem
Deputy Mayor Shmuel Meir (see Judea Magazine 5.1, "Shmuel Meir: Redeeming
the Jewish Homeland").
The Arabs decided to make an issue of Har Homa and their version of
reality -- that the Jews are building a new settlement on Arab land -- is
duly reported on CNN and throughout the world. No wonder so many people
are mad at Israel about Har Homa if this is all they are told.
After construction began, the suicide bombers and the intifada
returned. Arafat can turn the violence against Jews on and off like a
switch. Right now it is on. In Judea this means rock-throwing attacks
against Jewish civilians traveling on public roads -- called
"demonstrations" in the Western media -- organized by the Arab leadership
and centered at schools where mobs can easily be gathered.
The IDF strictly limits the use of live ammunition in response to
Arab rock-throwing, and has generally succeeded in moving the crowds away
from the roads using tear gas and rubber bullets. The degree of Jewish
restraint always amazes me. A rock-throwing mob would be suppressed by
police gunfire in most countries. In Israel, they issue civilians rock-
resistant windows. There are countless cases of armed Jews choosing not
to shoot at those who are stoning their car. One side-effect is that the
Arabs know this and are encouraged to do it more. They risk nothing and
have a free chance to strike at a Jew. Arab parents know that Jews are
especially careful not to shoot children, so encourage their children to
join in the attacks.
The restrained Jewish response highlights a certain game-like
quality to the events, which fills TV screens wtih pictures of violence
but which limits the number of actual casualties. There is apparently an
unwritten deal that the Palestinian "Police" will limit the mob's advance
if the Jews don't use real bullets.
The intifada basically ended in 1991 at the time of the Gulf War.
This was never admitted by the Arabs, but rock-throwing had become much
less frequent in many areas. Perhaps the price became too great when in
response to repeated attacks, many schools were closed on and off and
Arab children missed three years of education. Today a new generation of
schoolchildren is being taught to try to harm the nearest Jew.
After the 1993 "peace" agreement with the Palestine Liberation
Organization, Israel filled its schools with curricula of peace -- songs
of non-violence; ideas of peaceful coexistence, greet your Arab
neighbors, and put the past aside. But the curriculum in the Arab
schools never changed. Love your neighbor is not symmetrical. The Arabs
still teach their children to hate and to attack.
Some Arabs seem to have no problem trying to kill Jewish children.
In April, two Gaza suicide bombers blew up prematurely just before buses
filled with schoolchildren passed by. At one point, Arafat told the
media that Israel was responsible -- an Israeli jeep had attacked an Arab
taxi -- and his lie was reported around the world as an equally valid
version of the events. Arab leaders spoke of the terror of blowing up
Jews in cafes and schoolbuses as balancing the "terror of the bulldozers"
on Har Homa. That's a vision most Jews in Israel just can't comprehend.
In Hebron, the buffer zones so carefully crafted into the signed
agreement with Arafat to protect Hebron's Jews have been erased by Arab
mobs, as Prime Minister Netanyahu himself has admitted. In the Jewish
Quarter, children in the kindergarten schoolyard have been the object of
rock attacks, and firebomb attacks aimed at Jewish homes are practically
a daily occurance -- all because the promised buffer zones have not been
enforced (see "Hebron After the Accords," below).
As Defense Minister Mordechai recently noted, the IDF can retake the
8 cities in Judea and Samaria that it gave over to Arab control, but it
doesn't want to. It would also be costly in terms of Israeli casualties.
The Arabs have a growing defensive capability in the territory they
control, now that we have allowed them automatic weapons, together with
anti-tank and other heavier weapons they have smuggled in.
The fact of militarily sovereign Arab territory adjacent to the 140
Jewish villages in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza has led to a changed outlook
by the IDF regarding potential threats to those villages. Before the
"peace" process, the projected threats included a lone intruder seeking
to stab passersby or a terrorist group taking hostages. After four years
of "peace," there has been a drastic change in the scope of the estimated
threats -- an increase in their quantity and magnitude. Two new
scenarios to prepare for involve an armed Arab military unit firing into
a village or a mob of Arabs seeking to storm the village.
The bomber who murdered 3 young women in a Tel Aviv cafe in March
came from Tzurif, an Arab village next to the Etzion Bloc village of Bat
Ayin, which was about to be turned over to PLO control. An entire death
squad was uncovered in Tzurif, responsible for the murder of 11 Jews
including Efrat and Yaron Ungar (see Judea Magazine 4.3) and the kidnap-
murder of hitchhiking soldier Sharon Edri, whose body was buried near the
village. Another Edri relative had been murdered by terrorists from
Tzurif in the 1980s and Edri's mother told the army to look there, but
was ignored. During Israel's War of Independence in 1948, Arabs from
Tzurif massacred 35 Palmach fighters sent to reenforce the besieged
Etzion Bloc.
The experiment to "give peace a chance" seems to be ending. The
differences in outlook, in versions of history and reality, are just too
great. Peace has no chance when one side continues to teach its children
to hate.
The Oslo Agreement is Israel's Vietnam. The best and the brightest
thought they could impose Western values and rules on a culture alien to
Western ways. The U.S. failed with the Vietnamese and the architects of
Oslo failed with the Arabs. The "peace" with the Arabs was always one-
sided. The Jews didn't have to make any changes in their thinking to
want peace, but the Arabs never changed their thinking. Those Jews who
tried to point this out were silenced as not being "politically correct."
The issue of Har Homa was just an excuse for the renewal of Arab
violence, which would have returned over some other issue if not this
one. The key point is still whether the Arabs get to decide and control
what Jews will do and where they will build in the Land of Israel.--M.A.
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HEBRON AFTER THE ACCORDS
This morning the military commander of the Hebron region ordered
that the electricity to the Moslem side of Ma'arat HaMachpela be severed
because of severe incitement during Friday Moslem prayers, broadcast
throughout Hebron. Shouts of "death to the Jews" were again heard in
Hebron.
Violence continues near Beit Hadassah. Firebombs and rocks are being
hurled at Israel security forces and civilians meters from Jewish
housing. Leading the rioters is Abas Zaki, director of Fatah in Hebron,
and a member of the Palestinian National Council.
_Interview with the Hebron IDF Commander_
During an interview with Yoni ben Menachem on Kol Yisrael radio,
Hebron commander Colonel Gadi placed the blame for the violence in Hebron
squarely on the Palestinian Authority. Excerpts from the interview:
"First of all I must point out that this is an extremely serious
violation of the Hebron agreement. On the face of it, they should have
stopped the demonstrators at the agreed-upon check points. They did not
do this. After the rioters crossed the border of the check points, we
could see, at different times, that the Palestinian police attempted to
push them back. In my estimation and opinion, they didn't try hard
enough. They must improve tremendously.
Q: Did the quick intervention force, led by Jibril Rajoub, perform
adequately?
A: They claim that the quick intervention force was activated, but
we didn't see any evidence of this.
Q: How would you summarize the conduct of the IDF? Were you able to
successfully and efficiently organize in order to prevent the riots?
A: We are always ready for disturbances, and events much more
difficult....I think we are always prepared and don't think we must
change too much....We will do everything we have to in order to protect
the Jews in Hebron and our soldiers.
_Reaction of the Jewish Community in Hebron_
The rioting began last Friday near Beit Hadassah. A massive Arab mob
began hurling fire bombs and rocks, injuring a number of Jews, among them
a 14-year-old Hebron resident. It appears that our previous warnings,
that the "buffer zone" is only a figment of someone's imagination, were
warranted. The mob infiltrated into the Israeli-controlled section of
Hebron [marked on the map of the Hebron agreement as "H2"].
We witnessed IDF soldiers standing helplessly for five hours, being
constantly attacked by hundreds of rocks, doing nothing, waiting for the
PLO forces to push back the Arab mob. We immediately notified ministers,
who were, at the time, attending the weekly cabinet meeting. They were
warned that Palestinian police armed with automatic weapons were present
in areas where they are forbidden to be, according to the Hebron Accords.
The Israel security forces prevented the mob from entering into the
Jewish neighborhoods, but the theoretical "buffer zone" protection proved
to be a farce.
We are demanding: immediate arrest of inciters, total and
uncompromising enforcement of the Accords, distancing of the rioters from
the Jewish neighborhoods and the H2 Israeli-controlled part of Hebron,
and cancellation of all plans to open the Arab market outside the Avraham
Avinu neighborhood and King David (Shuhada) Street.
News from Hebron, 28 March 1997, http://www.hebron.org.il
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BYPASS ROADS NEEDED IN EAST GUSH ETZION
East Gush Etzion comprises a line of 4 villages along the eastern
slopes of the mountain ridge established in the 1970s by then Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin and then Defense Minister Shimon Peres according
to the Allon Plan. During the Rabin government of 1992-96, 90% of the
Jewish villages in Judea and Samaria benefited from new access roads
built to bypass Arab population concentrations. Yet where are the bypass
roads in East Gush Etzion?
The construction of a 4 kilometer road from Herodion to Jerusalem is
needed to bypass the Arab village of Zaatra. A 3 kilometer road
bypassing Hirbet E-Dir is needed to connect the Herodion-Tekoa-El David
area to Efrat and central Gush Etzion.
In both Zaatra and Hirbet E-Dir, the only available road for Jewish
civilian vehicular traffic runs through the Arab village and alongside
the local school, a chronic point of rock throwing that endangers
innocent people. The construction of these two short roads might
significantly reduce the incidence of attacks on Jewish civilians in the
future.
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CARMEI TZUR ON THE INTERNET
The village of Carmei Tzur in the Etzion Bloc of Judea nearly had
its only access road turned over to Arab control in the next IDF
withdrawal (see "Holding on to Carmei Tzur," Judea Magazine 5.1). A
last-minute change ordered by Defense Minister Yitzhak Mordechai retains
Israeli control of the road until an alternative road is built. Carmei
Tzur has its own Website which includes a wide array of information about
the village and its precarious situation (located between the Arab towns
of Halhoul and Beit Omar), and about the archeological site of the
Hasmonean city of Beit Tsur. See: www.tchelet.co.il/carmeizur
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MURDERERS AS HEROES
The Palestinian Authority Legislative Council, meeting on March 26
in Ramallah, expressed condolences to the family of the suicide terrorist
who bombed the Apropos Cafe in Tel Aviv last week. Marwan Barghouti,
Secretary-General of Fatah, was interrupted by thunderous applause in the
midst of delivering the condolences. (Arutz-7 News: March 27, 1997)
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LAND FOR A LIAR'S PROMISES
George F. Will
Israel's critics, who are legion and live in safe neighborhoods, say
Israel is being provocative. Actually, Israel's being is provocative.
On one day, Palestinian violence is said to have been provoked by
the opening of a tunnel. On another day, the provocation is said to be
the beginning of construction of apartments. But the real reasons for the
violence are: Violence has always been part of the warp and woof of
Yasser Arafat's politics (remember, he once wore a pistol to the UN
podium), and there is no penalty for it. Indeed, in the eyes of the
"international community," Palestinian violence is self-legitimating: It
is proof of Israeli provocation.
No Israeli government could allow Arafat to veto the construction of
apartments on unoccupied land in East Jerusalem owned by the Israeli
state. To allow that would be to make a de facto territorial concession,
conceding that Jerusalem is redivided, with Arafat sovereign in part of
it.
Arafat released terrorists. Israeli intelligence says that he
authorized attacks and that the head of Palestinian Preventative Security
organized the Hebron riots. Last Friday, at a rally of 10,000 in Nablus,
a speaker announced the "good news" of the terrorist's suicide attack in
Tel Aviv, and the crowd cried, "God is great." An Arafat aide said, "The
terror of bulldozers led to the terror of explosives." What kind of peace
can be made with people who talk like that?
Arafat's recurring resort to violence refutes the premise of the
Oslo accords, which was that land was being traded for peace. Something
tangible -- territory -- has indeed been traded for something intangible
-- promises, a liar's promises. Everything about Arafat's repertoire --
the violence, the rhetoric to Arabic-speaking audiences about "combat"
and "jihad" and capturing all of Jerusalem, the refusal to fulfill the
obligation to remove from the Palestinian Charter references to the
illegitimacy and destruction of Israel -- is consistent with the strategy
adopted in 1974. That is the "phased" strategy of founding a Palestinian
state from which will be launched the final attack on a diminished
Israel.
American diplomats who soothingly refer to Arafat as Israel's
"partner in the peace process" visit Arafat's Ramallah office with its
wall map of Palestine with Israel's borders erased. Such maps are
frequent ornaments of political and cultural programming on Palestinian
Authority television. Such maps are used in Palestinian commercial
advertising and as jewelry. On the main Bethlehem-Hebron road stands a
monument to the Palestinian "martyrs of the Intifada" in the shape of a
map of Palestine, including all the land of Israel. The diplomats
probably wonder about the "real" meaning of such maps, just as diplomats
wondered what Nazis "really" meant when they spoke of the "destruction"
of European Jewry.
Israel lives in a bad neighborhood. One reason it is bad is that the
Palestinian people have had a long run of execrable leaders: leaders who
supported Hitler in World War II, the Soviet Union during the Cold War
and Saddam Hussein in the Gulf War. Perhaps things will get better.
Perhaps when a full-fledged Palestinian state exists on the West Bank,
that 22nd Arab state will be the first Arab democracy. But would those
who are asking Israel to bet its life on that be willing to bet theirs?
Former prime minister Shimon Peres, when asked if Israel could
safely consent to be again, as before 1967, 10 miles wide at the waist,
blandly said that Israel would still be, in effect, 40 miles deep
strategically because "all the land we give back must be demilitarized."
But although this Palestinian state does not yet fully exist, it already
is militarized with at least 30,000 well-armed soldier-policemen. Will
the fully emerged state accept restrictions on its sovereignty that no
other nation accepts?
And who would enforce such restrictions? The "international
community" that dithered during genocide in Bosnia and is inexhaustibly
"understanding" about Palestinian violence? Should Israel rely on a U.S.
commitment? As Golda Meir said to President Nixon when he suggested
something similar, "By the time you get here, we won't be here."
It is said that people hope vaguely but dread precisely. Modern
history has provided Israelis a dread that is the premise of their
statecraft: No calamity is impossible. So while the "international
community" will continue to criticize Israel for the provocations
inherent in its existence, Israel's riposte will be Golda Meir's words:
Jews are used to collective eulogies, but Israel will not die so that the
world will speak well of it.
(_Washington Post_, 27 Mar 97)
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EYEWITNESS TO MURDER: KFAR ETZION, 1948
Zvi Gilat
Yaakov Edelstein, 69, is today the most veteran political columnist
in the Israeli daily press, having joined the staff of _Hatzofe_ in 1950.
In recent weeks something has happened to Edelstein. In light of
the recent government decision on withdrawals in Judea and Samaria, this
usually modest man took the unusual step of being interviewed by the Itim
News Agency, where he warned specifically against giving control over the
Arab village of Beit Omar to the Palestinian Authority. Why is he
speaking out now? Edelstein is one of the few survivors of the massacre
that occurred in Kfar Etzion in the Etzion Bloc in May 1948.
His personal story begins with a train of Holocaust refugees
escaping from Lithuania to the Holy Land. At the beginning of World War
II, 30,000 yeshiva students and their rabbis had concentrated in
Lithuania from all parts of Eastern Europe to escape the Nazi threat.
When the Communists arrived in Lithuania, the rabbis made efforts to
leave there, knowing that the Russians would not allow them to learn
Torah. "Rabbi Herzog discussed this with the Russian Ambassador in
London," recalls Edelstein, who was only 13 at the time but aware of
events, "and permission was obtained in principle to allow anyone to
leave who succeeded in obtaining a visa to another country."
Edelstein and his parents began a trek from Lithuania to Moscow,
from there to Odessa, to Turkey, and at the end, in a train that traveled
over many days via Lebanon and Syria, to Israel. With them on the train
were famous rabbis, as well as a group of young religious Zionists who
wanted to establish a new village in the Land of Israel. Edelstein
celebrated his bar mitzva on the train and became friendly with the group
of young pioneers.
A few years later when he was 19, he decided to leave the yeshiva in
Jerusalem where he was learning and join his friends at Kfar Etzion.
"Life was wonderful then," he remembers. "By day we would work in
agriculture, and in the evening there were songfests. There were also
many authors and poets around and a rich cultural life." Edelstein was
in charge of the wing of the Kfar Etzion guest house which hosted many
accomplished writers, whom he came to know.
He had his poems and writings published in _Hatzofe_, but saw his
future in agriculture. The War of Independence ended these dreams, with
the repeated Arab attacks on the Etzion Bloc and the final assault on 12-
15 May 1948.
"I was at one of the positions," he recalls. "We held off the
attackers for many hours, but at a certain point the Arabs succeeded in
breaking through the main gate. They used the armored cars they had
captured from the failed relief convoy at Neve Daniel. When the
commander of Kfar Etzion realized the situation, he gave the order to
surrender, but we didn't know this at our position."
"In order to receive instructions, it was decided that I would try
to reach the command post in the middle of the village. When I arrived,
the Arabs had rounded up about 50 men and I was put with them. They had
us turn around and raise our hands, and suddenly opened fire on us all
from a number of directions. Some were hit immediately, others tried to
run but there was nowhere to go. Together with 3 others, I managed to
reach the woods outside the village. My friend Yitzhak Ben-Sira and I
hid in the brush. Two others were with us. At a certain point an Arab
appeared opposite us. He was wearing a tallit (Jewish prayer shawl) and
was carrying a tefillin (used in daily prayer) bag that he stole from the
village. He discovered us, but when he saw how scared we were he
promised us that he would take responsibility for our fate and wouldn't
let the marauding gangs kill us. Yitzhak and I went with him. On the
way we heard how others discovered the two who had remained, and shot
them to death."
A few minutes later they were surrounded by scores of gang members
from the nearby village of Beit Omar, who wanted to kill them. The old
Arab kept his word and prevented it, and managed to bring Edelstein and
Ben-Sira to officers of the Jordanian Arab Legion, who imprisoned them in
Jericho. "My parents didn't know I was alive. They thought I was killed
like the others and mourned for me as one whose burial place is unknown."
He returned to Jerusalem months later in a prisoner exchange with the
Jordanians.
When he heard that the Israeli governemnt was going to give over
control of Beit Omar, which overlooks the entire Etzion Bloc, Edelstein
remembered that village and all that transpired from it. "Now," he asks,
"what will happen when they decide in Beit Omar to open fire?"
(_Maariv_ Weekend, 21 Mar 97, pp. 63, 94)
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RANDOM ACTS OF COEXISTENCE
One evening this month, Shai Kendel and his baby son were returning
home to Carmei Tzur from Jerusalem when their car developed an electrical
malfunction and came to a halt near the Arab village of Beit Omar. A
number of Arab drivers stopped to offer help, and one of them towed the
car to Carmei Tzur.
(_Gushpanka_, #64, Mar 97, p. 12)
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THE SIX-DAY WAR COMPLETES THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
_Maariv_ newspaper asked a group of veterans of the 1967 Six-Day War
to reflect on the 30th anniversary of that event. Yaakov Hisdai, now 59,
was a career officer who had been in the IDF ten years when the war broke
out. This experience allowed him a perspective on the thinking among the
officer corps of the day and he reports that "the idea that really
motivated the military leadership was that the War of Independence was
incomplete, that something wasn't finished. This was the generation of
the Palmach and the Haganah, the field commanders of the War of
Independence, who waited for the opportunity to complete the business
that was not finished in 1948. They had been carrying with them the
feeling that if they had been given a bit more time during the War of
Independence, the borders of the state would have been totally different.
This includes those who today deny this and present themselves as
lifelong pursuers of peace."
(Hisdai continued in the IDF and was wounded at Suez in the Yom
Kippur War. After leaving the army, he received a doctorate in Jewish
history, then learned law and is today a lawyer.)
(_Maariv_ Weekend, 18 April 1997, p. 30)
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SETTLEMENT IS THE ESSENCE OF ZIONISM
Yitzhak Shamir
Former Prime Minister of Israel
Shamir: The settlement of the Land of Israel is the essence of
Zionism. Without settlement, we will not fulfill Zionism. It's that
simple.
Q: And Zionism means control over all of the Land of Israel?
A: Control, yes, with a great many rights and possibilities for the
Palestinians. What will define the future is the settlement of millions
more Jews in the Land of Israel. I don't see this happening today.
Q: But your stance is a minority one.
A: Okay, I'm used to that. For years I was in the minority and that
never bothered me.
(_Maariv_, Weekend, 21 Feb 97, Interview by Hemi Shalev, p. 18)
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GUSH EMUNIM ON THE INTERNET
Gush Emunim was the ideological movement that arose to resettle the
areas of the Land of Israel liberated after the Six-Day War. To put its
ideas into practice, Gush Emunim established the Amana settlement
movement, an organization similar to the veteran rural settlement
movements that help the kibbutzim and moshavim, in order to initiate
scores of new Jewish villages throughout Judea, Samaria, and Gaza.
You can now contact Amana through the Internet and receive
individual assistance directed at your building or finding a home in the
Land of Israel, including answers to nuts-and-bolts questions involving
lot purchases, bureaucracy, and immigration. Individual families have
sought and made contact with specific towns. See: www.amana.co.il or
write: naomi@amana.co.il
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A HOME IN JUDEA
In Tekoa, 20 minutes from Jerusalem, a private contractor is
offering 100 sq. m. homes overlooking the Judean Desert and the land of
Moab for $120,000. Building your own home is also an option.
*************************************************************************
150,000 JEWS NOW IN JUDEA, SAMARIA, AND GAZA
According to the Population Registry of the Ministry of Interior, at
the end of 1996 there were 150,230 Jewish residents in Judea, Samaria,
and Gaza, an increase of 9 percent for the year.
(_Gushpanka_, #64, Mar 97, p. 3)
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