Judea Magazine, No. 4.5
Hebron Etzion
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"Rebuilding Jewish Life in Judea, Israel"
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JUDEA ELECTRONIC MAGAZINE Vol.4, No.5 Tishrei/Heshvan 5757/Sep-Oct 1996
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Contents:
* The Palestinian Army Opens Fire - September 1996
* Toward a New Israel
* A Matter of Lost and Found
* The Day Kfar Etzion Fell
* Bethlehem Bypass Road Opens / Attack on the "Safe" Bethlehem Bypass
* The Face of the Cease-Fire
* Life Under Arab Autonomy - "Like Being in Hell"
* The Arabs Know Hebron is Jewish
* Interview with Rebbetzin Miriam Levinger
* Rabbi Fruman of Tekoa Wins Avi Chai Prize
* The Women in Green Internet List
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THE PALESTINIAN ARMY OPENS FIRE - SEPTEMBER 1996
During September 25-27, the Palestinian Army under Arafat's command
opened fire on Israeli Army outposts throughout Judea, Samaria, and Gaza.
The Israeli soldiers and officers in these outposts had been trained in
the military doctrine of restraint, never to use their weapons against
Arabs, and it took some longer than others to realize that in this case
they were permitted to return fire.
Arafat's palace guard, Force 17, was sent to the frontline in Gaza
and its troops were seen moving up on Israeli positions in professional
army style.
In Shechem in Samaria, six of Israel's finest young men in the elite
paratroop reconnaissance unit were killed by Arab gunfire as they raced
in open personnel carriers to reach their besieged comrades at Joseph's
Tomb, hit by murderous fire from Arab snipers on the rooftops who used
the automatic weapons that Israel had given them permission to possess.
Arab mobs burned the library at the Od Yosef Chai Yeshiva at
Joseph's Tomb, and the protecting Border Patrol unit suffered heavy
casualties as it held on at the site under continuing fire. Realizing
they could no longer hold the yeshiva building against the onslaught of
the mob, the IDF force saved the Torah scrolls as they withdrew to safer
positions at the site.
At Rachel's Tomb in Judea, half a kilometer from the Jerusalem city
limits, fires set by Arab mobs reached the Tomb just as the Etzion Bloc
fire truck arrived and saved the main structure from going up in flames.
At least one of the firemen was wounded by Arab gunfire.
The new Bethlehem bypass road that connects Jerusalem to the Etzion
Bloc and southern Israel was closed for extended periods due to Arab
sniper fire on Jewish civilian traffic.
Restraint was still the order of the day during the height of the
battles, and helicopter gunships were used only briefly in one battle in
Ramallah, although commanders in the field had asked for similar support
elsewhere and were refused. Then the IDF moved tanks and armored
personnel carriers up to the battle zones, not to reconquer the Arab
cities but to bring in superior firepower to bear on the points of
conflict, and, coincidentally or not, the PLO Army broke off contact.
Fifteen Israeli soldiers died in the surprise attacks. IDF
commanders vowed not to be surprised next time.
Army intelligence, following the conception of the previous
government, had rated as "low" the probability of the PLO Army using its
weapons against Israeli soldiers, and it took a day or two for the new
reality to be recognized. Suddenly the Army awakened to the realization
that by taking the "risk for peace" ordered by the previous government,
it had violated the basic IDF dictum never to allow a foreign army to
operate between the Jordan River and the sea.
An organized Arab force of 40,000 armed men is now operating from
safe havens throughout the length of Israel, supplemented by a well-armed
civilian population, due to the widespread arms smuggling allowed into
the Palestinian-controlled areas from across the Jordanian and Egyptian
borders. The largely hostile population is now openly manufacturing and
stockpiling explosives and firebombs for use against Israeli civilians
and soldiers.
New intelligence estimates had to be drawn up and orders changed
accordingly to take into account the new reality facing the IDF, that at
any moment the PLO Army posed a serious and immediate danger to the
safety of our forces on the borders of the Arab territory.
How strange it was to see all that good will for Israel allegedly
built up over the last four years by Israeli concessions suddenly
evaporate throughout the world after yet another Arab surprise attack on
Israel. I will also never understand those, including some Jews, who
were so ready to believe that the Jews were somehow to blame for the
Arabs' resort to violence.
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TOWARD A NEW ISRAEL
Mordechai Nisan
The emergence of a Jewish Israel -- distinct from the socialist,
secular, European-style, Mediterranean-flavored, American-mimicked, bi-
national democratic one -- was the most vibrant and important result of
the May 29 general elections, and the spiritual hope for the future of
our people and country.
The transformation of the national climate in Israel is a process
that began in the aftermath of the 1967 Six Day War, but it was the
appearance of the Gush Emunim movement following the 1973 Yom Kippur War
that energized the new spirit. Religious pioneers rescued and
revitalized the Zionist enterprise from oblivion, exposing the
ideological vacuum in the secular left and within the political
establishment as a whole.
It was the spread and expansion of Jewish religious settlements
throughout Judea and Samaria, in the teeth of leftist hostility,
governmental indifference, Arab violence, and international disdain that
highlighted the religious-nationalist community's stake in composing the
ideological doctrine and formulating the policy agenda.
Moving toward a new Israel is an incremental process which must undo
and uproot the decay of generations. An encrusted dogma of rampant
permissiveness and libertinism has de-minded large sections of soulless
Israeli secular youth. Their appearance, dress, speech, manners,
pastimes and goals reflect nothing of Jewishness.
The new Israel requires a bolstering of Jewish identity (not just
Israeli identity), a rediscovery of Jewish solidarity (a caring for
fellow-Jews in distress), and the preservation of a Jewish polity
(denying Arabs the electoral possibility to determine the leadership and
character of the Jewish state).
The new Israel -- a Jewish Israel -- can be a breakthrough in terms
of generating civility in Israeli society. Not the sabra brashness with
the accompanying abuse of the citizen by bureaucracy and the pervasive
"dog-eat-dog" social ambiance, but instead, the politeness and
graciousness of Jew-to-Jew/person-to-person to enliven the rabbinic
dictum: _derech eretz kadma latorah_ (human decency preceded the Law). A
new Israel is not committed to impose a mandatory policy of prayer and
phylacteries, but rather to cultivate the love of Jews and respect for
sacred national personalities, sites, and values.
Colossal ignorance, profound self-alienation, and crass reproach are
obstacles to the rise of a new Israel. "Politically Correct" broadcasts
and commentary insinuate opinion for fact. It has become imperative,
therefore, to introduce the spiritual and political rhetoric for a new
Israel. The criteria of true-and-false will posit that the Jewish right
to the Land of Israel is absolute and singular, while the Palestinian
claim is an affront to any standard based on history and justice.
The election of Binyamin Netanyahu by a 55-percent Jewish majority
vote is a vivid signpost that the psychological warfare and political
brainwashing by the left were unable to dislodge the minds and hearts of
most Jews from the sinews of sanity. Let this miraculous moment of grace
become a springboard for the fulfillment of our national ethos as the
central motif of Israeli policymaking in the days and years ahead.
(Excerpted from the _Yesha Report_, No. 43, Sept-Oct 1996, p. 1.
Dr. Nisan Lectures on the Middle East at the Hebrew University of
Jerusalem. He is the author of _Toward a New Israel: The Jewish State
and the Arab Question_ [New York: AMS Press, 1992]).
***********************************************************************
A MATTER OF LOST AND FOUND
Yisrael Medad
Taking advantage of my acquaintance with an archeologist, I visited
the site of the recently dedicated portion of the Western Wall
excavations. We stood at the entrance of one of the almost dozen stores
which lined, on both sides, the street leading from the Dung Gate to the
area of the Damascus Gate.
My friend bent down, scratched a bit with his tool, and out of the
dirt between the stones pulled forth three small coins. After he had
rubbed them on his trousers to remove the stuck-on dirt, a Greek
inscription and a date palm became visible. Almost 2,000 years earlier,
in the decades prior to the Roman conquest and the destruction of the
Temple, a Jewish shopkeeper dropped these coins, or his customer dropped
his change. There, in the shadow of the Temple Mount walls, under a huge
stairway leading some 20 meters up to the entrance of the Temple
courtyard, the coins lay in the dirt between two stones at the doorway.
And now two other Jews, one from Russia and another from the US,
both living in Israel after leaving the diaspora -- created when the
Temple was destroyed and Jewish political independence ended -- had
completed the cycle. What had been lost, was found.
Looking about, one could visualize the stairway being dismantled by
the conquering Roman legionnaires. One could almost sense the bruising
impact of the huge stones as they came crashing down. The street is
broken up where the mighty weight struck the pavement and caused it to
cave in. Other stones, whole or shattered by the fall, are piled up
where they fell.
The walls of the stores and little shops are just crumpled remains,
while the Herodian Temple Mount support wall behind remains solid. A
manhole cover and even a drainage opening is visible in the pavement. It
is a Jewish neighborhood. A mikve (Jewish ritual bath) is located behind
one of the stores.
Ancient history isn't only a Jewish/Israeli concern. The Arab
community that has defined itself as Palestinian is also flushed with
archeological passion.
Roman by virtue of their adopted name, the Palestinians are now
parading a Canaanite culture, as evidenced in the ceremony they held in
Sabastia in August. The Palestinian Authority's minister of culture
presided over a theatrical presentation of what the Palestinians consider
their historical roots in this country. In this "docu-drama," Ba'al, the
god of those residents of Canaan who engaged in human sacrifice, received
a standing ovation from his Palestinian "descendants" who witnessed his
victory over his rival Mut, aided by his sister Anat. The PLO, who from
the 1960s have been waging a propaganda campaign that negated the Jewish
connection with Israel, now face the challenge of proving their own
connection to Eretz-Israel/Palestine.
What story does its soil hold? What do its archeological
excavations reveal? Can the Palestinians counter the history of what
this land meant to the Jewish people who lived here and developed their
rich culture?
The Arabs of Eretz Israel are the only self-proclaimed national
grouping to have called their country by its foreign, Roman name --
bestowed on it almost 600 years before the Arabs arrived here en masse --
rather than by any Arabic name.
In trying to outdo the Jews in Jerusalem, a pristine Canaanism
appeared a decade ago when the PLO announced that the city belonged to
them by virtue of the Jebusites, forefathers of the Arabs. This claim,
unsubstantiated by any historical evidence, borders on the ridiculous.
But the foreign press ignores the fakery, and the diplomatic corps may
even make an appearance at the next "Canaanite" cultural event. At the
same time, it looks askance at Jewish claims to the land based on the
Bible, on non-Jewish textual sources, and on findings in the soil itself.
The Arabs claim Arab roots that were never found here. But no
matter how you interpret history, it never really lies. Dig after dig,
find after find, this country becomes more and more Jewish. The coins,
the pottery shards, the walls, the weapons -- all confirm what our
tradition teaches: that there is an unbroken connection between the
Jewish people and this land.
We never actually lost anything except political sovereignty. That
now exists; and it is our responsibility to protect it, from the ground
up.
(The writer lives in Shiloh, the site of Tel Shiloh, capital of
Israel's tribal federation 3,100 years ago. Excerpted from _Jerusalem
Post_, 13 Sep 96, p. 7.)
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THE DAY KFAR ETZION FELL
On the day Israel declared its independence in the Spring of 1948,
Kfar Etzion fell to the Arabs. Two hundred and forty brave Jewish
fighters died in the battle for the Etzion Bloc, south of Jerusalem. At
Kfar Etzion, one of four kibbutzim in the area, the captured Jews were
gathered together by soldiers of the Arab Legion and told they were going
to be photographed. Instead, the soldiers opened fire, murdering scores,
according to eyewitness accounts from Jewish survivors. The wounded from
the battle had taken refugee in a cellar bunker. After the village had
surrendered, the Arabs blew up the bunker with grenades, killing everyone
in it. Only then were any survivors taken to captivity in Jordan.
(From the Audiovisual Presentation at the Etzion Bloc Museum, Kfar
Etzion).
*************************************************************************
BETHLEHEM BYPASS ROAD OPENS
The new road from Jerusalem south to the Etzion Bloc, bypassing
Bethlehem, has finally been completed, cutting the trip between Efrat and
Jerusalem's Gilo neighborhood down to a mere 10 minutes. The road
includes the longest tunnel in Israel, a shorter tunnel, and the highest
and longest bridge in the country.
The opening of the new highway is having a great deal of
psychological impact. The price of homes in Efrat has jumped
dramatically in anticipation of increased interest in the town.
* * *
ATTACK ON THE "SAFE" BETHLEHEM BYPASS ROAD
On 28 August 1996, the No. 160 bus, from Jerusalem to Kiryat
Arba-Hebron was fired upon by Arab terrorists armed with automatic
weapons. One person was injured. The shooting took place on the new
Bethlehem bypass road, built to provide a secure road from northern Judea
to Jerusalem. About 20 bullets hit the bus, but fortunately this bus was
bulletproof and this fact alone prevented a major tragedy. The bus was
full, with people standing.
Moshe Shachar, a passenger, reported, "I was dozing and leaning
against the window. Suddenly I heard automatic gunfire. It lasted for,
maybe, three seconds. In the middle of it I realized it was gunfire and
not rocks. I was leaning against the window. Exactly where my arm was,
a bullet hit. If the windows weren't bulletproofed I would have been hit
in the head. I was wounded in my leg. As soon as the doctor says it's
ok, I'll continue going to work, the same way I always have. What should
we do now? Build a new settlement where the attack took place. We have
to strengthen our hold on Eretz Yisrael. The terrorists cannot be
allowed to control our lives."
(From David Wilder, _Hebron Today_, The Jewish Community of Hebron,
30 Aug 96)
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THE FACE OF THE CEASE-FIRE
"I am not saying kill the Jews...because if we can't get Haifa now,
my son or my grandson will get it later. I am 100 percent sure of that."
- An-Najah University student Hassan Wadi.
(From "Cream of the Crop," by Judith Sudilovsky, on Palestinian
university students, _Jerusalem Post Magazine_, 6 Sep 96, p. 13.
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Life Under Arab Autonomy
"LIKE BEING IN HELL"
Uri Dan and Dennis Eisenberg
Mustafa is a decorator and works at the Jerusalem home of a writer
of this column. Last week he suddenly announced: "I've applied for
Israeli citizenship." This was a surprise, as he had been jubilant when
Yasser Arafat signed the Oslo accords in Washington three years ago. He
said then: "We will have a Palestinian state and you a Jewish state. We
will be like brothers living in peace." Now he spoke in a voice full of
bitterness.
"Living under Arafat's secret police is like being in hell. I would
rather live under the Jews. My people are fearful every day and night of
their lives, for the most terrible things are happening to us. Jibril
Rajoub's thugs are kidnapping young girls in areas under Arafat's
control, in Ramallah and other cities, even in Jerusalem, raping them and
then killing them to prevent them from talking. Human life is cheaper
than dirt from the gutter."
"There are several hundred of Rajoub's men operating quite openly in
Jerusalem. They take what they want from shops -- radios, food,
cigarettes -- and sometimes grab money from the till. The shopkeepers
dare not protest. If they go to the Israeli police they know they will
be dead within 24 hours. If they try to protect themselves, Rajoub's
officers take them to Ramallah or Jericho. Everybody knows about the
torture chambers there. Those who have survived say it is better to die
than end up in the hands of Rajoub's 'interrogators.' So shopkeepers now
say thank you to his men and keep their mouths closed."
"On August 19 Rajoub's heroes in their leather jackets walked into a
neighbor's house in the Arab Quarter of the Old City of Jerusalem, near
the Damascus Gate, where there was a girl, 18 or 19 years old, a relative
from Gaza who had come to stay with them around the beginning the month.
My neighbor, who is a cousin of my wife, told her that the girl had
quarreled with her parents. They had wanted her to marry a rich old man,
a builder in Gaza. She hated him and ran away. She threatened to kill
herself if she was sent home. Rajoub's thugs marched right into the
house, grabbed the girl and hit her on the head and around the face when
she screamed. They threatened her with their guns if she didn't shut up.
They dragged her off and drove away with her in their car. A lawyer
friend who handles such matters told me that the girl's family had paid
Rajoub's officers NIS 6,000 to return her to Gaza. They drove through
the Israeli barriers with her in the car. All four had raped her on the
way. The girl's brother paid Rajoub's men. Then her brothers called her
a prostitute for running away and killed her. They threw her body into a
ditch. It was a case of family honor."
We were told by an Israeli security official: "There is nothing we
can do. We have reported many cases like this to the government,
particularly when they happen in Jerusalem. But when Arabs are involved
we can't go and look for them in Palestinian areas. We've been blind
there, ever since we were forced to stop using Palestinian informers. We
try to get information from Arafat's security people. They tell us
nothing; they are laughing behind our backs. It's humiliating."
"Recently a TV team went to Ramallah to do a program about life in
'independent Palestine.' The cameramen wanted to take pictures of the
police station because they were impressed by the fine cars parked
outside. There were Volvos, Mitsubishis, BMWs and so on -- all expensive
vehicles, all fairly new. They refused to give us permission. The
vehicles were all stolen. Some even had their original Israeli license
plates."
A second security source we talked to backed up this account. A
major problem is that many of Arafat's police and security men have only
the vaguest connection to the Palestinians. They were brought in with
Arafat from Tunis, where they had it easy. There they were called 'naval
police' because they sat on the beach all day. They hate their present
work. They are badly paid and the locals ignore them."
Security sources told us about three incidents during the past month
that ended in murder. In one, in the village of Bidou, people complained
about rival families screaming, shouting and fighting each other in the
middle of the night. Finally the Palestinian police arrived and settled
the matter immediately. They turned their guns onto one member of each
family, shot them dead, and that was that.
(From Murray Kahl, _Israel and Global News_, 5 September 1996) (c)
_Jerusalem Post_ 1996
***********************************************************************
THE ARABS KNOW HEBRON IS JEWISH
Recently, outside of Beit Romano in Hebron, an Arab named Abed
stopped me on the street and told me, in Hebrew, the following. "I
prefer the Israeli army in Hebron to Arafat. Arafat's people arrest
Arabs, jail them, torture them, and then kill them. The Israeli soldiers
arrest Arabs and question them, but don't torture or kill them. We've
seen this in other cities where Arafat rules. Do a lot of Hebron Arabs
think this? Yes. And you should know, I agree that Jews should live in
Hebron. My grandmother used to tell me stories that Jews lived on this
land, five hundred - seven hundred years ago. This is Jewish land. The
Arabs stole it from them after the massacre [of 1929]."
(From David Wilder, _Hebron Today_, The Jewish Community of Hebron,
30 Aug 96)
E-mail:hebron@jer1.co.il
News site: http://www.jer1.co.il/lists/archives/hebron
Web site: http://www.jer1.co.il/orgs/communities/hebron/index.htm
***********************************************************************
INTERVIEW WITH REBBETZIN MIRIAM LEVINGER
Rosh Hashanah 5757
Q: What brought you to Hebron in 1968?
A: The question is: Who brought me to Hebron? My husband. When we
saw the results of the Six-Day War we realized the miracle of all of
biblical Eretz Israel returned to the Jews. My husband said from the
beginning that we must immediately return to biblical Israel, all these
places that, at that time, were given to us on a silver platter. First
my husband was active with people who founded Kfar Etzion, and then
afterwards with others, old-time ideologists, Natan Alterman and Yitzhak
Tabenkin. They decided that we would come to Hebron. Hebron is second
to Jerusalem - it is one of the four holy cities: Jerusalem, Hebron,
Safed, and Tiberias - and the place of the Tomb of the Patriarchs, and no
Jews were there, so that's when they decided that we would all come to
Hebron.
He came to me and told me of the idea and gave me 24 hours to think
about it. I thought about it - I remember feeling that when I came to
Israel in 1956 that I had come after all the history had been made.
Suddenly I realized that this was an awakening of a new dawn of history -
the whole return to biblical Eretz Israel. So I said to my husband,
"fine."
Q: What advice would you give to a new family coming to live today in
Hebron?
A: When I first came to Hebron, I thought that I was sacrificing my
children. We were living though very turbulent times in Hebron, and
nobody ever guaranteed where the danger line would end. But now we're
older and more mature and we see that danger can be anywhere - in Tel
Aviv or on buses in Jerusalem, so what you do is put your trust in G-d.
Now, many years later, when I see my children, I realize that I didn't
sacrifice anything. I only gained, because my children grew up in an
idealistic atmosphere. They had to deal with life and death situations
and they are better adults because of this. And if anything, G-d did me
a favor that I raised my children in Hebron.
Q: What is your vision of Hebron in the future?
A: I always saw Hebron as a Jewish city - I once heard that a Greek
philosopher said that whoever doesn't take the unexpected into account is
not a true realist. I know we have a goal. I'm sure we're on the right
path. I always had this feeling that the argument would get to Hebron.
I was always horrified that the leaders of a country were willing to give
away their Forefathers' burial site to a strange people. The argument
between us and the Arabs started when Mohammed said that he was the
prophet of G-d, in place of Moses. From that came Islam and all their
claims to Eretz Yisrael. So anyone who feels that Arabs can have a part
of Eretz Yisrael is, in some way, acknowledging that Mohammed is instead
of Moses. I cannot perceive of this. The secular people in the Labor
government felt that, as Jews, they could negate all Jewishness, but as
liberals, they could honor other people's religions, even when other
religions are a negation of the Jewish religion.
I can only repeat what Rabbi Kook said in 1930. At that time the
Arabs told the British that they would stop all problems if the Jews
would announce that the Kotel [Western Wall of the Temple] is not theirs.
The Zionist leaders of the time thought it was wonderful and they came to
Rabbi Kook, who was the Chief Rabbi, and told him to announce that the
Kotel doesn't belong to the Jews. He refused, saying, "The Kotel isn't
mine. It belongs to Am Yisrael. How can I make such a declaration that
will influence all future generations." The same thing is true today of
Hebron.
Q. When you look back, how do you reflect on what has happened in the
last 28 years?
A: The main thing is that we continue holding on to the original
ideal, which is the return of Jews to Israel. I came to the personal
conclusion that life isn't what happens to you, life is what you do with
it. I always felt very privileged to be a part of this struggle because
it's an active struggle. I always felt very sorry for the generation
before me - 80% of my family went up the chimneys in Aushwitz - things
happened to them, but our generation is an active generation, we pursue
our goals regardless, and the main thing that is very encouraging to me,
being more or less retired, is that the younger people are taking over
and managing very well. That is a great source of nachas [satisfaction]
for me.
(From _Hebron Today_, 9-10 Sep 96)
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RABBI FRUMAN OF TEKOA WINS AVI CHAI PRIZE
Rabbi Menachem Fruman of Tekoa in Judea was awarded the prestigious
Avi Chai Prize in a ceremony held at the residence of the President of
Israel on 25 September 1996. The prize, worth NIS50,000 ($17,000), was
granted "for his many and varied initiatives towards increasing
understanding and sensitivity between Jews, and for his social and
educational work in the village of Tekoa, where people with different
approaches to Judaism and Jewish tradition live and learn together."
************************************************************************
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