Judea Magazine, No. 4.4
Hebron Etzion
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"Rebuilding Jewish Life in Judea, Israel"
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JUDEA ELECTRONIC MAGAZINE Vol.4, No.4 Av-Elul 5756/Jul-Aug 1996
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Contents:
The Israeli Elections:
* Judea Election Results
* Back to Work
* Pardon Us If We Take Netanyahu Seriously
The Search for Coexistence:
* Real-Life Coexistence
* Meetings - Between Settlers and Palestinians
* Ending Israeli Dependence on the PLO
* Islamic Professor Supports Jewish Rights on Temple Mount
* The Elyakim Ha'Etzni Archive
* Israeli Tour Guide Censored by PLO Police
* Walking "Inside" the Land of Israel
* Population Growth in Judea and Samaria, 1996
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The Israeli Elections:
JUDEA ELECTION RESULTS
Here are the 1996 Israeli elections results from polling places in
Judea. Note that some Jewish villages do not have their own polling
place and residents vote at a neighboring village.
_Highlights:_
Jerusalem - 70-30 for Netanyahu. Religious parties total 36.7%.
Villages and Towns: Netanyahu won over 95% in 17 out of 24 polling
places. Peres won in one place - Har Gilo adjacent to Jerusalem.
Parties: NRP took 60%+ in 14 polling places. Likud strongest (40%+) in 5
non-religious or mixed villages. Aguda strongest (50%+ in Betar and Maale
Amos; Shas also strong in Betar (31.8%). Aliya strongest in Tekoa and El
David. Moledet strongest (20%+) in Bat Ayin, Hebron, Maale Amos, and
Kiryat Arba.
_Key to Parties:_
The New Government Coalition:
Likud - Party of Netanyahu, Shamir, and Begin
Shas - Religious Sephardic
NRP - National Religious Party, modern Orthodox
Aliya - Natan Sharansky and Soviet Jewish immigrants
Aguda - Ultra-Orthodox
Third Way - Golan, centrist, breakaway from Labor
Moledet - right-wing Homeland party
The Opposition:
Labor - Party of Peres and Rabin
Meretz - Left-wing party, for 1949 borders and PLO state
(All numbers are in percentages) M
M o
N P L L e A A T l
e y e a i S r l g h e
t a r b k h N e i u i W d
a h e o u a R t y d r a e
n u s r d s P z a a d y t
-------------------------------------------------------
National 50.5 49.5 26.6 24.8 8.6 7.8 7.3 5.8 3.3 3.0 2.3
Jews 55.5 44.4 27.7 27.4 9.4 8.6 7.0 6.5 3.7 3.3 2.5
Minorities 5.2 94.7 16.6 2.2 1.3 1.7 10.0 - .1 .6 .1
Jerusalem 69.9 30.0 16.3 25.6 10.2 11.6 7.4 4.3 14.9 3.0 3.3
Etzion Bloc -
Alon Shvut 95.1 4.8 1.5 9.2 .4 74.8 - 3.3 .8 3.5 5.7
Bat Ayin 100 - - 2.4 4.0 24.5 - - 10.6 - 56.5
Betar Elit 99.6 .3 .1 1.8 31.8 3.4 - .2 53.5 .2 6.8
Carmei Tzur 97.3 2.6 1.6 5.0 2.5 83.1 - - 1.6 - 5.0
Efrat 95.7 4.2 1.0 16.5 .9 61.9 .4 2.0 1.5 6.4 8.6
El David 95.4 4.6 1.3 43.1 2.6 22.8 .6 13.0 3.2 .6 11.7
Elazar 97.2 2.7 .5 7.1 .5 80.3 .5 1.6 3.8 .5 4.9
Har Gilo 49.3 50.6 31.7 32.9 3.5 7.7 11.3 2.9 - 7.1 2.3
Kedar 86.2 13.7 6.8 59.7 1.1 16.0 2.2 - - 10.3 2.2
Kfar Etzion 81.9 18.0 7.0 7.9 1.8 69.6 2.3 1.4 - 7.9 1.8
Maale Amos 100 - - 6.0 11.0 4.0 - 1.0 51.0 - 25.0
Migdal Oz 92.9 7.0 2.5 17.7 2.5 60.1 - - 2.5 8.4 5.9
Neve Daniel 98.1 1.8 .9 11.9 - 72.8 .4 1.3 .9 1.3 9.6
Rosh Tzurim 90.9 9.0 5.0 11.0 - 71.1 .8 - - 4.2 6.7
Tekoa 98.2 1.7 .5 40.5 1.0 18.8 .2 15.0 1.7 1.0 18.6
South Hebron
Hills -
Adura 85.5 14.4 6.8 71.7 .8 2.5 3.4 4.2 - 3.4 5.1
Beit Haggai 98.8 1.1 1.1 3.4 3.4 80.2 - - - - 11.6
Carmel 99.2 .8 .8 7.2 - 76.0 - 4.0 - - 12.0
Hebron 99.1 .8 .8 3.6 .8 60.4 - - 7.2 - 25.8
Kiryat Arba 96.3 3.6 1.3 24.4 1.6 37.4 .9 8.1 2.4 .4 21.0
Otniel 98.2 1.7 .8 7.8 6.0 71.3 - .8 1.7 .8 10.4
Pnai Hever 100 - - 12.0 1.7 82.7 - - - - 3.4
Susiya 98.9 1.0 - 6.1 - 79.3 1.0 1.0 - 1.0 8.2
Tene 70.8 29.1 20.6 54.4 4.7 5.2 2.6 1.5 - 5.8 4.2
Source: _Nekuda_, June 1996
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BACK TO WORK
The restored Jewish community of Judea got its future back as a
result of the Israeli elections. The architects of the Oslo agreements
have publicly admitted that they intended for the IDF to leave
practically all of Judea, knowing full well that thousands of loyal,
pioneering Jews would be forced either to accept overall Arab rule or
leave. That won't happen now, at least for the next four years.
Arab self-rule has happened throughout Judea, with most of the
developed areas in the Bethlehem and Hebron regions under full Arab
civilian control and partial military control as well. The division into
Areas A and B (Arab) and C (Israeli) becomes the new starting point.
The key to our future here becomes the rapid development of Jewish
presence in Area C in what's left of Israeli-controlled Judea. A lot of
individual people need to make a lot of purposeful decisions for this to
work, especially all the people who will choose to move here. Israel
won't be secure without a strong Jewish presence in Judea, which won't
happen without the support of people everywhere who care about the Jewish
return to the Land of Israel. There's so much to be done and our time
may be limited.
*************************************************************************
PARDON US IF WE TAKE NETANYAHU SERIOUSLY
George Will
When Barry Goldwater told the 1964 Republican convention that
extremism in defense of liberty is no vice, a scandalized journalist
reportedly exclaimed, "He's going to run as Goldwater!"
Today, comparable exclamations resound concerning Israel's new prime
minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. Some news reports of his government's
guidelines make much of the fact that they closely resemble his campaign
promises. Well, did you ever?
President Clinton, speaking from his bunker on barricaded
Pennsylvania Avenue, says he hopes Israel will continue to take "risks
for peace." In the 48 years since Israel was founded on one-sixth of 1
percent of the 7.5 million square miles of land that is too casually
called "the Arab world," Israel has not known an hour of true peace.
It has suffered four wars (1948, 1956, 1967, 1973). Five if you
count the 1969-70 "war of attrition." Six if you count the continuing
conflict with various terrorist organizations supported by hostile
nations. In three weeks of war in October 1973, Israel's casualties, as a
percentage of its population, were three times larger than U.S.
casualties in eight years of war in Vietnam.
For Israelis, boarding a bus is risky. How grating they must find
the exhortations to risk-taking that issue from a powerful nation
surrounded by two friendly neighbors and two broad oceans.
Jews were 10 percent of the population of the Roman Empire, and if
today they were the proportion of the world's population that they were
then, they would number 200 million. They number 13 million.
The world was an especially dangerous place for Jews before they had
a national home. And that home was especially vulnerable in its pre-1967
borders, when it was 12 miles wide at the waist.
Mr. Netanyahu's guidelines say that the Golan Heights, from which
tanks poured in 1973, will not be returned to the aggressor Syria. And
there will be no Palestinian state or other foreign sovereignty west of
the Jordan River. And Israel has a "right" to act against terrorism
"everywhere," and "will act" to remove the threat in Israel's north. Much
as the U.S. government acted against threats out of Mexico in 1916.
The guidelines say Jerusalem shall forever be Israel's undivided
capital under Israel's sovereignty. Ask average Americans to name the
capitals of Delaware, Vermont and Israel. More will know Jerusalem than
Dover or Montpelier. Yet the U.S. government for decades said that
locating the U.S. embassy in Jerusalem would "prejudge" the city's
status. Indeed.
That is a good reason for locating the embassy not just in
Jerusalem, as Congress has committed a reluctant Mr. Clinton to do by May
1997, but in East Jerusalem, the portion Jordan lost by its 1967
aggression, and which Palestinian Council President Yasser Arafat plans
to make the capital of a Palestinian state.
Mr. Netanyahu's guidelines say Israeli settlements in the West Bank
and elsewhere are important for defense and "Zionist fulfillment." In
1990, Strobe Talbott, who now holds the State Department's second highest
position, compared Israel's West Bank settlement policy to Saddam
Hussein's claim to Kuwait because Kuwait and Iraq had been part of the
same province under the Ottoman Empire. Actually, the settlements are
legal because the West Bank, which Jordan seized militarily in 1948-49,
is an unallocated portion of the Palestine Mandate of 1922.
It has been nearly a half-century since Israel became the first
salient of democratic values in an inhospitable region, and the world
still waits for an Arab nation to become the first democracy in the
history of Arab civilization. While waiting for such developments, the
Netanyahu government's unspoken guideline will be Golda Meir's
admonition: Jews are used to collective eulogies, but Israel will not die
so that the world will speak well of it.
On the eve of the 1967 war, a young Israeli soldier wrote in his
diary of an Englishman, an American and an Israeli caught by cannibals,
put in a pot and offered a last wish: "The Englishman asked for a whiskey
and a pipe, and got them. The American asked for a steak and got it. The
Israeli asked the chief of the tribe to give him a good kick in the
backside. At first the chief refused, but after much argument he did it.
At once the Israeli pulled out a gun and shot all the cannibals. The
American and the Englishman asked him: 'If you had a gun all the time,
why didn't you kill them sooner?' 'Are you crazy,' answered the Israeli,
'and have the U.N. call me an aggressor?'"
So wrote the man who on a memorable date - July 4, 1976 - led, and
was the only Israeli killed in, the raid that rescued the hostages at
Entebbe. Jonathan Netanyahu. Benjamin's brother.
(From Israeli and Global News, Murray Kahl, 23 June 96)
*************************************************************************
The Search for Coexistence:
REAL-LIFE COEXISTENCE
Some Jerusalem high schools teach values by requiring students to
perform weekly community service, such as working with disadvantaged
youth or the sick. One of the most popular places for high school
volunteers is the Magen David Adom ambulance service, the Israeli Red
Cross (here it's the Red Star of David). Volunteers are given constant
training in first aid and emergency procedures and undertake a regular
weekly shift on the ambulances.
Their role models and the greater heroes in this story are the
drivers, trained paramedics who make the initial critical decisions that
save lives. In Jerusalem, it is not uncommon for an ambulance to go
speeding off to an emergency rescue with an Arab driver and a crew of
young Jews from the "territories," the new Jewish villages in Judea.
Together they go into both Arab and Jewish neighborhoods on their life-
saving missions, and the students, from real-life experience, have
learned to include Arabs among their "favorite" drivers.
***********************************************************************
MEETINGS - BETWEEN SETTLERS AND PALESTINIANS
Uri Elitzur
[Editor's note: Earlier this year the Israeli media reported on
secret meetings between leaders of the Jewish settlement movement, among
them the author, and Palestinians associated with the Palestinian
Authority.]
First, the facts: I participated in three meetings in Jerusalem held
at the American Jewish Committee office. The initiator was the office's
director, Yosi Alpher, a clear leftist and, as far as I knew, close to
Yosi Beilin and the Oslo group.
It was agreed in advance that there was no possibility of bridging
the ideological or political gulf, and there was no intention of
conducting political negotiations. The declared purpose of the meetings
was to become personally acquainted and to try to come to some kind of
agreement about neighborly relations, on ways to prevent violent
conflicts, and even to cooperate at the local level.
In actuality, most of the discussions were at the ideological level.
We spoke about Our Father Abraham and the covenant with God who gave the
Land of Israel to him and his descendants, the holiness of Jerusalem and
the Temple Mount, the Zionist idea, and the Holocaust and its lessons.
They spoke mainly about their hardship and suffering under the
"occupation," their fear of the settlers, their desire for an independent
Palestinian state, and, as understood, their wish for peace. All of the
participants, including the host, declared that they were all there in a
totally private capacity and represented no organization.
At the last meeting we began to speak a bit more to the point and
tried to formulate an agreement of good neighborliness between the
settler and Palestinian publics, but we reached no agreement because it
was clear that as private people we couldn't sign any agreements between
publics or communities.
These were the facts. Now comes analysis, opinion and impressions.
First of all, as opposed to our side, the Arabs did not come to these
meetings without first receiving permission from their boss and gave him
a full accounting. I suspected then, and now I'm sure, that our host
Yosi Alpher was acting in coordination with the Israeli government and
the Oslo group and reported to them about the discussions. Nevertheless,
I went to the discussions and I'll explain why.
Secondly, I was impressed that indeed there was great fear of the
settlers among the Palestinian public and establishment. I think that
this fear is justified and I told them that. Third, I learned to
understand that the Palestinians have come to accept the Jewish presence
in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza (Yesha), and they understand that in any
final agreement, even under a leftist Israeli government, they cannot
expect the dismantling of the settlements.
Together with this, it was clear that all sides hadn't come there
only for the declared purpose. Each side wanted to gain something to
further its political objectives. Yosi Alpher wanted to promote Yosi
Beilin's view of a permanent solution and to force us to agree and to
recognize the idea of Oslo as well. The Palestinians wanted to take the
pulse of the Jews regarding the possibility of our agreeing to live under
Palestinian rule, and perhaps even to cause a break in the ranks of the
settlers, to divide us between "moderates" and "radicals," and to achieve
a position of "divide and conquer." I can't say what our secret agenda
was since we didn't speak about any such objective. I can speak only for
myself. I had hoped that in the end there would be official discussions
between the Palestinian Authority and the Yesha Council.
In every period, from the first days of Zionist settlement, the
settlers were in contact with their Arab neighbors. In no period were
the Arabs friends of the Zionist enterprise, and in no part of the Land
of Israel did they celebrate the coming of the Jews. The outlook and
will of the Arabs was always the opposite of that of the Jewish settlers,
but despite this, it was worthwhile and possible to talk, and this talk,
in most cases, was beneficial to Jewish settlement.
I think the Palestinian Authority is an existing fact, and our
ignoring its existence won't be able to weaken it -- rather, the
opposite. The IDF doesn't use the terms "Jews" and "Arabs." Instead it
says "Israelis" and "locals." I always protested such terminology
because it assumes a basic view that the Arabs belong to the place and we
are foreigners here. If we want to be the locals, we need to deal with
matters by ourselves and not send the Arabs in every case to the Foreign
and Defense Ministries. Most of the people in these offices have the
outlook that Israel is "over there" and "here" the Arabs are the locals.
I'm not suggesting that the settlers should conduct negotiations
with the Palestinian Authority, but I am suggesting that in all of those
areas of life where it would be possible, we should be the ones
representing the State of Israel in contacts with the Palestinians.
During the time that we don't do this, the field doesn't remain empty.
Decisions are made in our name and in our place by army officers and
government officials. They know the area much less well than we do,
don't see the interests of the State of Israel and the Jewish people like
we do, and some of them don't exactly understand what we're doing here at
all. I don't expect the government of Israel to appoint us officially to
be its representatives in every matter, but there have already been more
than a few matters that we initiated and that were later appreciated by
the state.
The Arabs of Judea, Samaria and Gaza, our good and bad neighbors,
today have a body that represents them, the Palestinian Authority. The
Jews of Judea, Samaria and Gaza also have a representative body, the
Yesha Council. There needs to be some acceptance between these two local
bodies. Nothing is to be gained from ignoring the existence of the
Palestinian Authority. It has a large structure and wide powers and
authority, it has a large, well-armed army, the State of Israel
recognizes it, and it is just not possible to expect that any Israeli
government will decide to dismantle it. It has a major influence on what
happens around us and there are a thousand matters where we have contact
with it.
Together with this, the position of this authority is still in
formation. It is a factor much greater than a village head or a town
council, but is also -- meanwhile -- a factor much smaller than the
government of a state. It is clear that it wishes to be much more like a
government and much less like a village head. We don't have the deciding
vote on this fateful question, but we do have certain power. The more
matters that are discussed between the Authority and us, and do not
involve the Foreign Ministry, the more the Authority remains more a local
and less a national player. (_Nekuda_, July 96, pp. 42-43)
**********************************************************************
ENDING ISRAELI DEPENDENCE ON THE PLO
Nadav Haetzni
In August-September 1993, the IDF leadership was in shock. Some
rebelled at the thought of making an alliance with the Palestine
Liberation Organization. But more than anything was the concern over
putting into foreign hands a large measure of responsibility for the
nation's security and intelligence.
The Netanyahu government is now ordering the IDF to return to a
perspective of independence in security matters, one not dependent upon
the problematic Palestinian security services.
One of the problems with the previous attitude was its exposure of
Israel to continuous blackmail by the Palestinians. Leaders of the
Palestinian security services have already threatened that if the new
government doesn't honor the promises of the old, they will stop
supplying Israel with intelligence, thereby exposing it to terrorist
attacks.
According to Gidon Ezra, now a Likud Knesset member and former
assistant head of the General Security Services (GSS), the information
Israel received was always incomplete, infrequent, and not always
reliable. "The Palestinians only give us information that they find
useful to give us."
The first steps have been taken to reduce Israeli dependence in the
area of intelligence, but it is not clear whether Binyamin Netanyahu and
his staff understand the current depth of cooperation between the Israeli
and Palestinian security services in the field involving matters related
to the reduction of Israeli sovereignty and violations of the Oslo
agreements.
In Hebron, Israel allows the Palestinian security service of Gibril
Rajoub to operate openly, carry automatic weapons in broad daylight, and
even distribute weapons to local residents. This involves not just quiet
violations of the Oslo accords, but quiet agreement to changes in them,
for example, in the status of the Palestinian police stations in Area B.
Oslo II details specifically how many police are to be in each station,
how many and what types of weapons and vehicles -- 2 vehicles, 5 pistols,
etc. The movements of the police beyond the area were to be limited and
were to require prior Israeli permission.
In practice, Israel has accepted a situation that is totally
different. In every police station there are tens and often hundreds of
policemen and soldiers. They travel freely armed with kalachnikovs,
riding in scores of stolen Israeli cars.
The reaction from the IDF is, "We follow orders. We are aware of
the situation in the field and what is overlooked, of this uncomfortable
embrace with the Palestinian security services. But these were the
directives we received. If someone wants this to end, let them issue
clear orders and we will gladly fulfill them." (_Maariv Shabbat_, 26 July
96)
**********************************************************************
ISLAMIC PROFESSOR SUPPORTS JEWISH RIGHTS ON TEMPLE MOUNT
"There is nothing in Islam that negates Israeli and Jewish
sovereignty over the Temple Mount," according to Professor Abdul Hadi
Falatchi, Head of the Islamic Institute in Rome. Prof. Falatchi was
participating in an international seminar on Jewish Law, organized by the
Ministry of Justice. He also attacked the Arab objections to Jewish
aliyah, saying that it has nothing to do with Zionism, but that "the
Bible commands Jews to live in the Holy Land." Falatchi said that he is
not afraid to make these remarks publicly, and that most Moslem religious
leaders in Italy agree with him. (14 July 1996, Arutz 7 News)
*************************************************************************
Samples from:
THE ELYAKIM HA'ETZNI ARCHIVE
_Notes from the Madhouse, April 13, 1996_
In December, 1995, Elias Freij, the Christian mayor of Bethlehem,
suffered a heart attack. As a matter of course he was treated in a Jewish
hospital with all the love and care, which elsewhere would have been held
in esteem as typically "Christian." But once his life was saved, he
promptly demanded to set an early date for the Jewish exit from the town,
to celebrate a first Christmas "Judenrein." The Jewish state, after
complying with this impertinent demand, financed with Israeli taxpayer
money those very celebrations, from which it had been excluded. (Ma'ariv,
Dec. 20, 1995)
At least part of our money was spent to literally cover Bethlehem
with PLO flags. Further, Israel paid for a huge poster, saying: "Jesus,
the first Palestinian Revolutionary!," also huge, Stalin- or Kim Il Sung-
like, posters bearing the image of "President" Arafat.
Further, Abu Ala hoisted in front of the Church of Nativity the PLO
terrorist flag, shouting: "Today Bethlehem, tomorrow Hebron, and then
Jerusalem - no real peace without a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as
its capital!" Then Arafat descended from the skies in an Egyptian
helicopter (escorted, of course, by Israeli aircraft) to the chant of the
masses: "From the high heavens, thence I come..."
Now, he addressed the multitude: "This is the place of the nativity
of our Lord and Messiah, the Palestinian, the Palestinian...this is the
holy city of our Palestinian Lord, the Messiah of Peace and Liberty,
Liberty, Liberty." To which the crowd answered: "With blood and sword we
shall liberate all of Falastin!"
On such a joyous day nobody mentioned, of course, that whereas in
1967 the Christians were still 80% of Bethlehem's population, today they
are only 32% owing to constant harassment at the hands of their Muslim
"brethren".
*
On the 16th of December, 1995 - 25,000 Gazans chanted:
"We make Falastin a killing ground for the Zionists;
We throw the corpses of Zion's children on the refuse heap
of Falastin; never shall we change one mind!"
Arafat presided over this with the "V" sign and added: "Our oath is still
valid, and our vow holds on, to follow the path of the heroes and the
death of the Intifada martyrs until we reach Jerusalem!"
*
The (late) deputy defense minister, Mordechai Gur, was nearer to
reality. Ha'aretz (January 30, 1995) quoted him as saying:
"What I hear from the Palestinians is very unpleasant. They do not
speak of the house in Hebron or the Tamar hill (in Efrat). They speak
about the University Hill in Tel Aviv. Also, in the negotiation
talks...had I recorded the deliberations and played it to my friends in
the [Labor] party, not to the opposition, 90% would have said: 'Stop the
talks immediately.'"
Courtesy of Alexander King (England) and Sol Margolis (USA)
http://www.shef.ac.uk/students/md/md911783/haetzni.html or
http://www.virtual.co.il/haetzni
*************************************************************************
ISRAELI TOUR GUIDE CENSORED BY PLO POLICE
An Israeli tour guide was told by PLO policemen to discontinue her
explanation to a group of Christian Russian pilgrims at the Church of the
Nativity in Bethlehem yesterday. Five policemen listened attentively to a
translation of her words from Russian to Arabic and halted her
presentation when she said, "The Church of the Nativity is located in the
middle of the Land of Israel, in the town of Bethlehem." The PLO
officials told the guide, Rita Gordon, that she would be barred from
entering the autonomous areas in the future, and that they will attempt
to have her license revoked. (18 June 96, Arutz 7 News)
*************************************************************************
WALKING "INSIDE" THE LAND OF ISRAEL
On the side of Tekoa Canyon, a 15-minute walk from our home, are two
large slabs of rock that resemble the two Tablets of the Law that Moses
brought down from Mt. Sinai. Right above them is the entrance to the
Haritun Caves, one of the largest cave networks in the Middle East. The
caves in Tekoa Canyon are of prehistoric origin and the Haritun Caves
take their name from the Byzantine monks who lived in the area (the
remains of their monastery are still standing).
This year on Israeli Independence Day, our family decided to walk
inside the Land of Israel and visit the Haritun Caves, with room after
room of wondrous natural formations extending far into the mountainside.
Our guide was our son Akiva, 13, who has become an expert at finding his
way through the labyrinth of passageways. A visit to the cave is not
recommended for those out of shape. There are certain spots one must
jump across, crawl through, climb up, and slide down. With candles and
flashlights in hand, we enjoyed hours of exploring the secret underground
world, occasionally meeting other friends from Tekoa with the same idea.
*************************************************************************
POPULATION GROWTH IN JUDEA AND SAMARIA, 1996
Mosy Raz, Director, Peace Now
According to the Central Bureau of Statistics, in 1996, 73,990
registered voters were "settlers" (2% of the total), as compared with
47,000 in 1992 (1.4%), an increase of 27,000. Four years previously, in
1988, the number was 28,000, with an increase of only 19,000 between then
and 1992. The [Labor] government has seriously failed in its attempts to
freeze the "settlements." [You can't stop an idea whose time has come.]
***********************************************************************
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