Judea Electronic Magazine, No. 2.5

Judea Magazine, No. 2.5


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JUDEA ELECTRONIC MAGAZINE  Vol.2, No.5  Tishrei-Heshvan 5755/Sep-Oct 1994
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Contents: GAMLA WILL NOT FALL AGAIN

* Gamla Will Not Fall Again
* The Jericho Synagogue: Now the PLO Charges Admission
* Can North American Jews Find Work in Israel?
* Jewish Heroes: The First IDF Undercover Agent
* On Being Stoned
* Closing the Circle at Rosh Tzurim
* A Zionist Poet in Tel Aviv
* The Dalai Lama's Advice to Jews
* The Koran Says Israel Belongs to the Jews
* The Hidden Jewish Revolution

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                         GAMLA WILL NOT FALL AGAIN

     The ancient Jewish city in the southern Golan Heights was called
Gamla because the shape of the site resembles that of a camel's (_gamal_
in Hebrew) back.  Terraced housing built of the local black basalt
(volcanic) rock covered one side of the "hump."  The other side, much
steeper, was treacherous and unsuitable for habitation.  Gamla was well
fortified, both naturally and by walls.  Then, as now, its fate was tied
to that of Jerusalem.  The Jews of Gamla fought the harsh decrees of the
Romans just as the Jews of Jerusalem did, to keep Judea (Israel) free and
independent.
     The Romans eventually succeeded in breaching the walls of Gamla. 
Four thousand Jews were killed in the fighting in the city while 5,000
others fled to the top of the "hump" and were either pushed off the
cliffs by the Romans or chose suicide.  Standing on those rocky heights
where the eagles make their nests, one can almost hear the screams of
those long-ago Jews.  An audiovisual presentation at the archeological
museum in Katzrin relates the story of Gamla's last battle in the year 67
C.E.
     In 1967 C.E., the Jews returned to the Golan and Gamla, having
fought off the attacking Syrians, pushing them off the heights from which
they threatened the Galilee.  Today there are 13,000 Jewish residents on
the Golan -- modern day pioneers who are now fighting for their right to
live in this area which is vital to Israel both for its water resources
and its defense advantages.  In mid-September, the citizens of the Golan
set up their main protest tent at Gamla.  The significance of the choice
of Gamla is clear.  Some people there have proclaimed a hunger strike
until the government of Israel declares that under no circumstances will
Israel leave the Golan again.  The Jews are once again waging a battle in
and for Gamla to keep the Golan Jewish.  Gamla will not fall again! --
Y.A.

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Update on Jericho Synagogue:

                       NOW THE PLO CHARGES ADMISSION

     The ancient "Peace on Israel" synagogue in Jericho was discussed in
Judea Magazine No. 2.3 as a significant part of our Jewish heritage.  The
Palestinian Ministry of Tourism is now charging an entrance fee to the
synagogue.  Tickets cost 4 shekels and feature a picture of the Jerusalem
Mosque of Omar and the PLO symbol.  Under the Cairo agreement, the
synagogue was to remain under the auspices of Israel. (_Maariv_, 15 June
1994.)

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New Careers in Israel:

               CAN NORTH AMERICAN JEWS FIND WORK IN ISRAEL?

     According to news reports, the U.S. economic recession has led to
increased business at Israel Aliyah Offices in North America.  Yet Israel
has high unemployment as well, including many academics, new immigrants
and veterans alike.
     This is a brief snapshot of eleven North American Jews who have
built new careers in Israel.  They were flexible and adaptable, were
willing to make the effort to learn Hebrew, and automatically had the
very marketable skill of knowing written and spoken English.  In
addition, these particular North Americans are a small part of the many
diaspora-born Jews who have chosen to help build new communities in Judea
and Samaria in Israel.
 - Yedidya Atlas is managing director of a sweets factory and a
construction company, as well as a journalist.  An IDF reserve officer,
he lives in Beit El with his wife Batya and their six children.
 - Sondra Oster Baros is director of public relations and spokesperson
for the Karnei Shomron Town Council.  An attorney educated at Columbia
Law School, she lives in Karnei Shomron with her husband Edward and their
five children.
 - Shifra Blass teaches a Hebrew Language Ulpan for new immigrants.  A
graduate of Barnard, she lives in Neve Tzuf with her husband Jonathan and
their eight children.
 - Mel Borenstein is joint managing director of BIS Ltd., an Israel
marketing and fund-raising consulting firm.  A native of Ottawa and
educated at the University of Toronto and the Wharton School of Finance,
he lives in Elkana with his wife Julia.
 - Avigail Frij is associate director of the United Israel Foundation.  A
native of Hollywood, CA, with an MA from UCLA, she lives in Maale Adumim
with her husband Yoseph and their four children.
 - Ben Tzion Greenberger is deputy mayor of Maale Adumim, as well as an
attorney and Hebrew University lecturer.  The Greenbergers have five
children.
 - Yechiel Leiter, a teacher in Jerusalem and executive director of the
Hebron Renewal Commission, now works with Yesha-The Council of Jewish
Communities in Judea, Samaria and Gaza.  An IDF reserve officer, he lives
in Eli with his wife and four children.
 - Yisrael Medad, the Mayor of Shiloh, was legislative counsel to the
Tehiya Knesset faction and special advisor to the Deputy Minister for
Science and Technology.  He lives in Shiloh with his wife and five
children.
 - Dina Shalit is assistant to the mayor for diaspora affairs at the city
of Ariel, serves as coordinator of the Ariel Development Fund, and edits
the _Shalom Ariel_ quarterly.  A Montreal native and educated at McGill,
she is married with three children.
 - Jay Shapiro is a contract negotiator and administrator at Israel
Aircraft Industries, as well as the author of books about American aliyah
and democracy in Israel.  A native of Philadelphia, he lives in Ginot
Shomron with his wife and four children.
 - L. Marc Zell practices international commercial law as a partner in a
Tel Aviv law firm.  A Washington, D.C. native and Princeton graduate, he
lives in Alon Shvut with his wife Robin and their seven children.

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Jewish Heroes:

                      THE FIRST IDF UNDERCOVER AGENT

                               Nadav HaEtzni

     Eli Halevi (not his real name) was the forerunner of the new IDF
special undercover units that still operate in Judea and Samaria.  For
three years he worked with the IDF to capture wanted terrorists in the
Ramallah area.
     While exact details about him may not be published for security
reasons, Halevi, 46, now religious, is an ordinary looking man not out of
place on the streets of Jerusalem.  A few minutes later, with some light
effort, he has changed into a simple passerby not out of place in the
courtyards of Ramallah.  The more I spoke with him and heard of his
exploits, the more I came to realize that the man lives beyond the
borders of fantasy.  He is of the type that can spring up only from the
mad reality of our corner of the world.
     Most surprising is the fact that Halevi himself initiated all his
activities during the intifada, beginning back when the IDF didn't know
what he could offer, and which later adapted itself to his exceptional
methods.
     At the start of the intifada in 1987 Halevi lived in Jerusalem.  He
grew up in Tel Aviv and served in the IDF where he learned Arabic.  Yet
his real adventures begin only after his discharge.  He deepened his
skills in karate and opened a school for martial arts.  At the same time
he developed his skill as a sharpshooter, and every weekend he would go
out alone to hunt or dive.  Later he guided trips into Sinai and it was
there that he experienced the life of the Beduin.
     "No doubt," he admits today, "that it seems that I sought then to
break all my personal records.  I wasn't looking for adventure
particularly but I loved to be out alone in nature and I loved to give
myself challenges."
     When Halevi moved to a moshav in the south, his knowledge of the
Beduin and Arabs grew.  He began to spend more time with the Beduin and
to have business dealings with Arabs in Hebron and Gaza.  "I had Beduin
friends in the Negev and Sinai," he recalls.  "I had a herd of goats
together with them and learned a great deal from them about Arab life --
their customs and rules of play.  I attended trials, truce ceremonies,
and celebrations; I simply learned."
     Eventually Halevi became an Arabist in the full meaning of the word,
similar to the generation of the early Jewish guardsmen (HaShomer) who no
longer exist in our security apparatus.  They understood the secondary
nuances of speech, dress, and minor gestures.
     In 1988, a few months after the beginning of mass Arab rioting,
Halevi realized that an actual war had broken out and felt that he
personally had to enlist in it.  He was assigned to Central Command as an
instructor but it was soon clear that the bureaucracy didn't know what to
do with him.  So he rented a car at his own expense and began to visit
the units.
     "I discovered soldiers who had not been given the minimal skills to
deal with the new situation.  Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin told them to
break bones and forbad them to use guns, and this unfortunate order just
fanned the flames.  The soldiers themselves had no idea how to fight
without guns.  I began to travel from unit to unit teaching hand-to-hand
combat and use of the rifle as a club.  When I finished in Judea and
Samaria, I did the same in Gaza."
     The real story only began one day in the Ramallah area.  "By this
time I had already realized the depth of the problems.  I saw that the
IDF had been surprised and was without a capability to gather
intelligence even at the most basic level.  There was no local
assistance, not even anyone to guide our forces to arrest suspects.  The
resolve of those Arabs willing to cooperate with Israel fell to zero
because no one protected them.  The security services were simply
overwhelmed by the scope of the events."
     "I decided that I would solve the problem of the Ramallah area
battalion," Halevi continues.  He called on an older friend, an elderly
Arab from Jaffa, and together they succeeded in recruiting local guides
for the troops.
     "The army lacked intelligence on the methods of the rioters and
terrorists.  There was a need to begin to gather such intelligence, to
analyze it, and to suggest ways to respond.  I initiated an activity that
only much later spread throughout the army.  I would dress as an Arab, go
into the heart of the disturbances, and film everything.  Later I would
sit with a small group of Arab friends and try to identify the leaders,
their names and addresses.  We would analyze their methods and develop
ways to act against them."
     Halevi built his own independent intelligence network and began to
supply information to the army commanders in the area.  His great power
came from his unusual style and from his knowledge of the inside codes of
Arab society.  In this way he was able, for example, to enlist one of the
local leaders of the riots, from a well-known family in Ramallah, after
he had identified him on one of the films.
     During the entire time of his service, Halevi was never seen in
military headquarters.  At night he slept with Arab friends in Ramallah
or lay in a lookout point in a hostile village.  He operated like a
Western hero, wore two pistols, hundreds of bullets, and carried food and
bandages in his pack.  He traveled from place to place in an Arab car,
giving the impression that he was an intifada activist of some stature
and not a soldier from the other side.
     As the war continued, Halevi found that he became more and more the
address for requests for help from people, even if they were relatives of
the other side.  He freed from jail hundreds of rock-throwing youths "so
that they wouldn't pass through the graduate school for terror as soon as
they entered jail."  The parents of these youth knew who was responsible
for their release and didn't forget it.  Many helped him later.
     Halevi: "Sometimes I visited parents whose children were killed by
soldiers during riots.  I tried to do everything to help them and shared
their sorrow for their children.  To my mind, the youth was a criminal
and terrorist, but I had pity for the parents."  According to him, "we
must strike those who are against us with full force, but only against
specific targets.  We don't want to open new circles of hate and terror."
     From this perspective, Halevi tells the story of the larger failure.

For years he has been numbered among the minority who favors coexistence
with the Palestinians but total opposition to the PLO.  He still supports
the idea of the complete Land of Israel, yet is known as a close friend
of the Arabs, one whom they can phone for help when in need, not one that
just talks about Palestinian rights in their living room on weekends.
     However, most of Halevi's activities in those years were directed at
delivering painful blows against the attackers of Arab friends of Israel
and tracking down wanted terrorists.  Here he tried to match himself to
the Arab mentality, even if this differed from the mentality common in
the IDF.
     "One day I learned from someone active in one of the gangs of the
intention to attack a known Arab cooperator.  The intelligence was
correct. Hundreds surrounded his house, threw rocks, tried to break in,
and damaged his car.  I arrived on the scene, succeeded in warding them
off with shots, and the man was saved.  But I couldn't accept this as the
norm.  I knew who led the attackers and where he lived.  That same night
a masked group came to the ringleader's house, destroyed his car,
perforated his water tank with pitchforks, and set fire to the yard.  The
next day a delegation came to us from Orient House (PLO headquarters) to
arrange a truce, and so there was."
     "A similar case occurred in a village near Ramallah.  A family that
was suspected of cooperating turned to me in fear after their children
were beaten up at school and they were warned to leave their village.  I
promised to help them.  One night strangers broke into the house of the
leader of the attackers.  They beat him seriously, smashed everything in
the house, and left two bullets on the threshold.  The truth was that the
bullets fell by accident from the pocket of one of those present, but
they had quite an effect.  The gang leader was convinced that the bullets
were left on purpose as a threat and he fled the village.  In this case,
too, a delegation was sent to the threatened family, a truce was
arranged, and no one dared threaten them again."
     One case involved a murderous gang from a village west of Ramallah
that repeatedly attacked vehicles of Jewish civilians and soldiers. 
"After a lack of success in killing or catching them," he recalls, "I
learned that one of my Arab friends was the godfather of one of the gang
members.  I visited my friend and over a glass of tea happened to mention
that we received orders to kill his godson.  His wife broke in and begged
me not to do it.  'What can I do?  Those are the orders,' I answered, but
suggested that he turn himself in to me, or at least meet me to discuss
it.  I promised not to arrest him."
     "A short while later I received a phone call at home from that Arab
couple who asked me to come immediately.  I knew what it was about,
rushed to Ramallah, and was not surprised to see the wanted man waiting
on the front porch.  We sat and talked and I saw that he was brainwashed,
that there was no chance to convince him to give himself up or to work
for me.  So I left him in peace but decided to neutralize him.  I
publicized the fact of our meeting in his home village and the effect was
immediate.  He was called in for questioning by his superiors and his
gang split in two, amidst threats and accusations.  That destroyed them
and afterward they simply left the area.  One group managed to cross the
border into Egypt and a few were shot when they tried to return."
     "Only he who tries, succeeds.  Once we were all skilled in these
areas; unconventional actions suited us.  Today everyone is busy guarding
their behinds.  All unconventional initiatives are suppressed and the
initiator is brought to trial and sent to jail."
     "My initiatives were not for the sake of adventure.  I acted on the
basis of broad knowledge and understanding of the activities around me. 
I knew what to expect from them.  True, I took risks, but they were
calculated ones, and I also took into account my special combat skills. 
In addition, I felt that someone needed to do these things and there was
no one else around.  Over the years I've been attacked several times but
always escaped.  I've never been wounded."
     He remains critical of former Defense Minister Moshe Arens and the
heads of the security services for what he calls "the missed opportunity
to break the intifada."  At the time he had offered a detailed plan to
establish an Arab force like the Southern Lebanese Army.  He supplied
names of candidates, suggested detailed methods of operation, and claimed
that this was the only way to destroy the roots of the terror against us.
     Halevi was not alone in this perspective.  Over the years there were
a number of similar initiatives offered to the security services by Jews
and Arabs.  Some were based on serious human infrastructure and when
tried in small-scale models (the Village Leagues) bore excellent results.

But the security services continuously opposed this line and Defense
Minister Arens was hesitant to overrule them.
     "If they would have adopted my suggestions, everything would have
ended differently," Halevi concludes.  "I claim that even today it is
possible to pacify the countryside within a short time, despite the
autonomy and despite Arafat.  Actually, Yasser Arafat and his friends are
very afraid of the possibility of the establishment of Arab forces. 
Therefore they've tried to woo a number of the heads of the former
Village Leagues, invited them to Tunis and made all sorts of promises --
all because in Fatah they understand what the government and the security
services refuse to absorb -- that the source of the prime danger to the
PLO organization are Palestinian forces that can act against them from
inside."
     "I know the security services over many years and I'm very concerned
with the level of the people.  Where are the veteran district heads who
knew the mentality and could enter the soul of the Arabs?  Today they are
bringing in young men who passed through a short course but their level
of field knowledge is quite superficial.  I follow the results and see,
to my dismay, too many failures that result from this."
     "The bottom line is that the State of Israel has committed an act
that it should never have done.  We have not protected our Arab friends. 
Some have been killed, others fled, scattered to the winds, and we will
yet pay for this."
     Halevi is very pessimistic about the chances of success of the Oslo
accords.  In his opinion, the way we are going today has no chance of
reaching real peace.  "The basic beliefs of the Arabs haven't changed,"
he says.  "With the masses we can live quite well, but the problem is
that the political culture is a culture of deceit and force.  Even the
moderates see the current situation as a cease-fire between wars.  The
PLO has not given up its intentions and remains a cunning and wily
organization; we can see it easily in Arafat's conduct.  And we, a public
thirsty for peace, will yet pay because of that thirst, and it will be
costly."
     Today Halevi has no connection with national affairs.  He uses his
expertise to locate and purchase land from Arabs.  Nevertheless, he
continues to receive requests for help from Arabs in Judea and Samaria. 
Just recently he was asked to defend a resident of Dura in Judea who was
attacked by those close to Jabril Rajoub, Arafat's secret service chief. 
"But," says Halevi, "I'm tired, and I don't feel that there is with whom
or for whom to work.  Perhaps when the government changes this feeling
will change too."  (From _Maariv_, Shabbat, 9 Sept 94).

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                              ON BEING STONED

                                Linda Wolff

     My sister-in-law, Rifka Glickman, loved Jerusalem above all places
on earth and wanted to be buried as close as possible to the Western Wall
where she prayed on Friday nights. When she died two weeks ago she was
interred in the plot she herself had chosen and purchased on the Mount of
Olives.
     On Monday, her husband, parents, children, grandchildren, siblings
and friends attended the unveiling of her tombstone. After leaving the
cemetery, the bus I was on was stoned, windows on both sides of the aisle
were shattered and flying glass covered many of the passengers. Several
people, though not seriously injured, required attention in the Hadassah
Hospital emergency room.
     People traveling in the vehicles behind us saw neither stones nor
stone-throwers, and the driver of our bus saw two building blocks bounce
off the lead bus. It must, therefore, be concluded that there was a
planned and coordinated rooftop attack on innocent, unarmed, middle-aged
to elderly residents of Netanya and Ra'anana who wanted nothing more than
to pay respect to the memory of a loved one buried in Jerusalem, the
capital of the sovereign State of Israel.
     My son, a soldier in an IDF combat unit, maintains that real stoning
means getting a refrigerator thrown at you in a refugee camp. Be that as
it may, I assume that the emotional response is similar to that evoked in
the attack on our bus. There was a mixture of fear, shock, pain and
anger. There was relief that nothing worse had happened, but above all,
there was an overwhelming sense of vulnerability and frustration, for in
the final analysis, stoning Jews has become de rigueur in Israel, and the
only ones who really care are those who get hit.  (Letter to the Editor
of the _Jerusalem Post_, 8 Apr 94, from a resident of Ra'anana)

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                     CLOSING THE CIRCLE AT ROSH TZURIM

     On Jerusalem Day 1994, members of Kibbutz Ein Tzurim, located just
inland from the port of Ashkelon, travelled up to Kibbutz Rosh Tzurim in
the Etzion Bloc.  Ein Tzurim had been established by survivors of the
original Kibbutz Ein Tzurim, first founded in the Etzion Bloc and then
destroyed in the first Arab war against Israel in 1948, its Jewish
defenders killed or taken captive by Jordan.  Following Israel's
liberation of the Etzion Bloc from Arab control in 1967, Kibbutz Rosh
Tzurim was established on the ruins of Ein Tzurim.  The veterans of 1948,
together with later generations from Ein Tzurim, went up on Jerusalem Day
to the hill where their first homes had been, to celebrate, and to
complete some unfinished business.
     When on the holiday of Simhat Torah in 1993, a member of Kibbutz Ein
Tzurim discovered an old and forgotten Torah scroll in a small wooden box
in the kibbutz synagogue, the kibbutz archivist and veteran members of
Ein Tzurim recounted the following story:
     In the spring of 1948, the Jews living in the Etzion Bloc were
overwhelmed by the British-led Jordanian Legion and all the settlements
were destroyed.  Kibbutz Kfar Etzion fell and its members were murdered
by Arab irregulars from the surrounding villages.  Nearby Ein Tzurim was
given orders to surrender, which it did.  As the Jewish villagers
prepared themselves for Jordanian captivity, they wrapped up most of the
village's Torah scrolls in their prayer shawls in order to transport
them.
     The captives were first taken to the police station in Hebron, amid
Arab cries of joy and shooting in the air.  When they arrived, those who
were holding the Torah scrolls refused to sit down until given a chair
upon which to lay the scrolls.
     After 23 days, the prisoners were sent to a camp in Jordan, where it
was icy cold in winter and hot and dry with fierce sandstorms in summer. 
A special tent was erected for the Jewish prisoners' prayer and for the
scrolls.  The desert conditions were hard on the scrolls and letters
began to come off.  The rabbi of the camp, one who had been taken
prisoner in the Old City of Jerusalem, allowed the letters to be
corrected with ordinary ink, because of the special circumstances, in
order to be able to continue to read from the Torah.
     After ten months the prisoners were returned to Israel and the group
from Ein Tzurim reestablished their kibbutz near Ashkelon.  The Torah
scrolls returned from captivity as well and were checked for wear.  One
scroll was considered so defective at the time that it was pronounced
unrepairable.  Since that time it had lain unused and forgotten in that
small wooden box.
     In 1993 the scroll was checked again and found to be fixable.  All
the missing letters were rewritten with the required scribal ink and the
Torah scroll, which had been taken into Jordanian captivity and then not
used for over 40 years, was declared kosher for use once again.
     On Jerusalem Day 1994, the restored Torah scroll was finally
returned to a place of honor in the synagogue of Kibbutz Rosh Tzurim,
bringing to a final close a 46-year exile.  (Adapted from _Otiot_
Magazine, 25 May 94)

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                        A ZIONIST POET IN TEL AVIV

     Lois Ungar is a poetess living in Tel Aviv.  A long time ago she
lived in New York where as a child she began to write poetry, and as an
adult acted on Broadway.  It was not until Lois was the understudy for
the part of Anne Frank that she went to her first Passover Seder.  Later,
Lois and her family lived in Vermont for 12 years where in the early
1970s, reading by kerosene light, she discovered Zionism.  The idea
changed her life and gave her a path.
     Lois began to write again and her poetry was influenced by her
newly-discovered Jewish roots.  She has published five volumes of poetry
including: Miscarriage in Vermont, The Apple of His Eye, White Rain in
Jerusalem, Tomorrow We Play Beersheva, and Poems Political.  In 1982 Lois
and her family came to live in Israel.  They live in Tel Aviv because
other members of Lois' family do not want to live in Judea or Samaria as
she does. I say we need Jews like Lois in Tel Aviv to remind the Tel
Avivians that Zionism is not dead. -- Y.A.

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                     THE DALAI LAMA'S ADVICE TO JEWS 

                              Yitzhak Shurin

     Sometimes outsiders are more aware of Judaism than Jews themselves. 
At college, Leah studied eastern religions.  In her junior year, the
school offered a six-month program of travel to Tibet and India and Leah
spent a month with a Tibetan family in the Himalayan mountains.  From
there, the group of 16 students -- eight of whom were Jewish -- headed to
India.  The highlight of their visit was a meeting with the Dalai Lama,
to whom each student was permitted to put two questions.  After much
deliberation, Leah decided to ask: "How do I know what the truth really
is and what spiritual path to follow?"
     "The truth," he told her, "is in your roots."
     "But I'm Jewish," she replied.
     "Then look deeply into your Judaism," he told her.  "If you were
born Jewish, you need to be Jewish."
     "But there's nothing deep about Judaism," she said.
     "If you haven't seen anything deep in Judaism," retorted the Dalai
Lama, "then you haven't studied it properly."
     (From _In Jerusalem_, "Religious Life," 26 Aug 94, pp. vi-vii.)_

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                 THE KORAN SAYS ISRAEL BELONGS TO THE JEWS

     In the Koran, in the Book of the Table, it is written: "Bear in mind
the words of Moses to his people.  He said: 'Remember, my people, the
favors which Allah has bestowed upon you.  He has raised up prophets
among you, made you kings, and given you that which He has given to no
other nation.  Enter, my people, the holy land which Allah has assigned
for you, do not turn back, or you shall be ruined.'" (The _Koran_, N.J.
Dawood Translation (1956), p. 377; as noted in _Jerusalem Report_, 11 Aug
94, p. 2).

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                       THE HIDDEN JEWISH REVOLUTION

     Jewish doesn't have to be just loud New Yorkers and fashion-show
synagogues. Jewish can also be a vibrant revolution of tough pioneers
turning barren hilltops green and raising laughing, sparkling children
without Jewish hangups. Jewish can mean belonging to something real, an
ancient, rich tradition that you are free to sample without being
smothered, instead of lives without meaning that so many Americans
complain about.
     Every person born Jewish can connect up to this vibrant Jewish
revolution as his or her birthright, even if they don't know it exists. 
It's an idea just waiting there for you to pick up; it won't bite. And it
may end up providing just what you've always been searching for all these
years and haven't found yet. -- M.A.

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JUDEA Magazine is an academic-oriented bi-monthly electronic magazine
produced and transmitted from Judea, Israel.  Its focus is the
rebuilding of Jewish communities and Jewish life in Judea.  Internet:
amiel2@crosswinds.net  Mail: Judea Magazine, Yael and Mark Ami-El, Editors,
Tekoa, D.N. North Judea, Israel Fax: 972-2-964588.
JUDEA Magazine is offered without charge on the Internet.  All
material may be reprinted with attribution to JUDEA Magazine and
original source as cited.  Comments are welcome.
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Your comments and questions are welcome. Please reply to:
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